Issues of Identity Development Among Asian - American Lesbians and Gay Men -

Connie S. Chan (Taken from, Journal of Counselling and Development, Sept/Oct 1989, vol. 68)

 

 

 This study examined the factors that affect an Asian-American individual's choice of identification with Asian-American and lesbian or gay identity.  Nineteen Asian-American lesbians and 16 Asian- American gay men belonging to Asian-American lesbian or gay organizations answered survey questionnaires.  Results indicated that most of the respondents identified more strongly with their lesbian or gay identities than with their Asian-American identities; however, most indicated that acknowledgment of both aspects of identity was preferred. Other situational factors, including disclosure of lesbian or gay identity to family and to the Asian-American community, as well as discrimination because of sexual orientation, race, and gender, were examined in regard to identity development.

 

The study of identity development for ethnic minority lesbians and gay men has previously examined identity development in the context of ethnic minority and lesbian or gay identity models (Espin, 1987; Wooden, Kawasaki, & Mayeda, 1983). 

 

   Both studies used the theoretical Model of Homosexual Identity Formation (Cass, 1979) as a model for understanding the six stages of development that an individual moves through in developing an integrated identity as a homosexual person.  Cass's six stages are (1) Identity Confusion, during which an individual realizes that feelings and behaviours can be defined as homosexual, creating conflict about his or her identity, which both the individual and the environment had previously defined as heterosexual; (2) Identity Comparison which occurs after the possibility of being homosexual has been acknowledged - the task of this stage is to handle the social alienation that now arises because of feeling "different" and having a sense of "not belonging" to subgroups such as peers and family; (3) Identity Tolerance, during which there is an increased commitment to homosexual identity and the process of contacting other homosexuals to counter the isolation and alienation begins, but the individual tolerates rather than accepts a homosexual identity; (4) Identity Acceptance, characterized by continued and increasing contacts with other homosexuals to validate and normalize homosexuality as an identity and as a way of life; (5) Identity Pride, characterized by the incongruity that exists between the individual's acceptance of oneself as a homosexual and society's rejection of this concept, resulting in the devaluing of heterosexuals and pride in disclosure of one's identity as a homosexual; (6) Identity Synthesis, when an individual is now able to integrate his or her homosexual identity with all other aspects of self and no longer sees a clear dichotomy between the heterosexual and homosexual world.

 

   In her study of identity development among Latina lesbian women, Espin (1987) also used the Minority Identity Development Model (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1979) as a model for understanding Latina identity. The five stages of this model are (1) Conformity, characterized by a preference for dominant cultural values over one's own culture; (2) Dissonance, characterized by cultural confusion and conflict, challenging accepted values and beliefs; (3) Resistance and Immersion, when an individual actively rejects the dominant society and culture and endorses only minority-held views; (4) Introspection, when an individual questions the too-narrow restrictions of the previous stage and feels conflicted between loyalty to his or her own ethnic group and personal autonomy; (5) Synergetic Articulation and Awareness, when individuals experience a

sense of self-fulfillment with their cultural identity and accept or reject cultural values on the basis of individual merit or prior experience.

  

   As Espin (1987) noted, these two models' of identity development are remarkably similar in describing a process that

 

...Must be undertaken by people who must embrace negative or stigmatized identities. This process moves

gradually from a rejected and denied self-image to the embracing of an identity that is finally accepted as positive.  Both models describe one or several stages of intense confusion and at least one stage of complete separatism from and rejection of the dominant society. The final stage for both models implies the acceptance of one's own identity, a committed attitude against oppression, and an ability to synthesize the best values of both perspectives and to communicate with members of the dominant groups (p. 39)

 

   Each model, however, presents a means for understanding identity development of either homosexual identity or ethnic - minority identity. How does an individual who is gay or lesbian and a member of an ethnic minority group come to terms with identity issues?

 

   Two studies have examined these questions. In her study of 16 Latina lesbians, Espin (1987) found that her respondents expressed a desire to identify as both Latina and lesbian, with varying degrees of success. She concluded that Latina lesbians face a fundamental dilemma: the conflict of the fear of stigmatization in the Hispanic community as lesbians versus the loss of support for their identity as Hispanics in the mainstream gay community.  Espin concluded that, although it is impossible to determine that one aspect of the identity of these Latina lesbians is more important than another, each individual makes her own choice as to those alternatives that are most tolerable, whether it is living among Cubans in Miami or among White Anglos in a lesbian or gay community.

 

   In their study of 13 Japanese-American gay men, Wooden et al. (1983) found that the men's lack of gay political activism and their reservations about synthesizing all aspects of their identity through a more visible gay self-presentation reflected identities of identity tolerance and identity pride, the third and fourth stages in the six-stage Cass (1979) Model of Homosexual Identity Formation. Only half of their respondents were open with their families about their gay identity.  Wooden et al. suggested that their respondents' reservations about being more visibly and actively gay may be partially explained by their fears of non-acceptance in the Japanese-American community.

 

   Although Wooden's study did not focus primarily on cultural issue's, it is likely that conflicting cultural values may help to explain some of the respondents' reluctance to identify themselves as openly gay.  In Asian cultures being gay is frequently viewed as a rejection of the most important of roles for women and men - that of being a wife and mother for women and that of a father carrying on the family line through procreation of heirs for men. The family is valued as the primary social unit throughout a person's life, and the most important obligation, especially as a son, is the continuation of the family through marriage and the bearing of children. If a daughter or son is lesbian or gay, the implication is that not only is the child rejecting the traditional role of a wife-mother or son-father but also that the parents have failed in their role and that the child is rejecting the importance of family and Asian culture.

 

   Because identification as lesbian or gay may be perceived as a rejection of Asian cultural values, Asian-American lesbians and gay men can be considered to have conflicting dual identities.  On one hand, to be lesbian or gay is to reject traditional family roles and cultural values; however, to identify as being Asian American may require negating one's lesbian or gay identify at least within the family.  How do individuals who identify as being both lesbian-gay and Asian American develop their dual identities?  Does an individual usually identify more strongly with either a lesbian-gay or ethnic-minority identity?

 

   What are some of the factors that might help in understanding the issues of development of a dual identity? This study examined the following factors and looked at their effects on the concept of ethnic minority and lesbian or gay identity among Asian-American lesbians and gay men:

 

1. Activism and participation In the Asian-American and lesbian-gay communities.

2. Choice of community (Asian American versus lesbian or gay) in which individuals felt more comfortable.

3. Self-definition of identity.

4. Disclosure or nondisclosure of lesbian or gay identity to their families.

5. Asian cultural factors in acceptance of lesbianism or gayness.

6. Perceptions of lesbian and gay Asian Americans by the lesbian-gay community, the Asian-American community, and the mainstream American society.

7. Perceptions of discrimination because they are lesbian or gay or Asian American or because they are both lesbian-gay and Asian American.

 

METHOD

 

Participants.

 

   The participants were 19 women and 16 men between the ages of 21 and 36 who identified themselves as being both lesbian-gay and Asian American.  The term Asian American was not defined in the questionnaire but included all persons of Asian descent in the study. Of the respondents, 90% were of Chinese, Korean, or Japanese ancestry, with the remaining 10% from Filipino, Bangladesh, and Indian backgrounds.

 

   Sixty ,questionnaires were distributed at two events: a retreat of an organization called Asian Lesbians of the East Coast and at a film showing sponsored by the Alliance for Massachusetts Asian Lesbians and Gay men. Nineteen women and 16 men completed questionnaires that were returned by mail within 1month to make up the present sample of 35 questionnaires.

 

Method.

 

   The four-page questionnaire consisted of 35 items, including five demographic information questions and several questions related to the issues of community affiliation, "coming out," identity, and discrimination. Most of the questions were open-ended, with six ' questions offering multiple-choice answers such as "In which community do you feel more comfortable? Lesbian or Gay, Neither." The questionnaire was developed after a pre-trial sampling of seven lesbian or gay Asian Americans and feedback from several ethnic minority lesbian and gay researchers to whom the preliminary questionnaire was presented. The questionnaire was completely anonymous.

 

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

 

   Given the small sample and the exploratory nature of this study, the results of this survey were analyzed through the use of qualitative methods (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975). Except where it is specifically noted that the answers to a question were different for lesbians than for gay men in the sample, the answers were not differentiated by gender.

 

   Characteristics of the group.  Eight of the 35 respondents, were first-generation Asian Americans (they were born in Asia), 19 were second-generation, and the remaining 8 were third, fourth or fifth-generation Asian Americans.  Their educational background was high, with more than 90% having attended college. Most of the respondents were working in professional occupations or attending graduate school. All respondents were currently living on the East Coast.

 

Table 1 is a summary and compilation of the questionnaire results, which are discussed below.

  

________________________________

TABLE 1

 

Results of Questionnaire

 

1. Participation in social or political events in the following communities:

     Asian-American only                  0

             Lesbian/gay only                        26

             Both lesbian/gay and                  9                 

             Asian-American 

 

2. In which community do you feel more comfortable?

            Lesbian/gay                               20

            Asian-American                         10                  

            Neither or both                           5

 

 3. What do you consider to be your identity?

             Asian-American lesbian              20                  

             woman or gay man  

             Lesbian or gay                            9                 

             Asian-American 

             Neither or both                            7

 

4. Disclosure of lesbian/gay identity to family:

Yes                                          27

No                                            8

Disclosure of lesbian/gay identity to parents:

        Yes                                           9

        No                                            26

Disclosure of lesbian/gay identity to friends:

        Yes                                          34

        No                                            1

 

5. Easier or harder to “come out” to other Asian Americans?  

Easier                                       4

Harder                                       27

No difference                             4

 

6. Feel acknowledged and accepted in lesbian/gay community?

Yes                                          4

No                                            30

Unsure                                      1

 

7. Experienced discrimination because of being Asian?

Women                                     17 (of 19)

Men                                          3 (of 16)

Experienced discrimination because of being lesbian/gay?

Women                                     5

Men                                          12

Experienced discrimination because of being both Asian and lesbian/gay?

Women                                     17

                Men                                          12 ________________________________

 

   Social and political activity.  Because this survey questionnaire was distributed at two Asian lesbian-gay events, the sample group was expected to reflect an interest in both Asian and lesbian-gay activities. Surprisingly, most of the respondents indicated that they did not attend social or political events in the Asian-American community but did attend similar events in the lesbian-gay community.  Many in this group responded that the only Asian-American events they attended were lesbian-gay Asian events but said they would participate in lesbian-gay events that were not Asian oriented.

 

   Choice of community.  When asked, "In which community do you feel more comfortable (Asian American or lesbian-gay) and  why?", the respondents who chose the lesbian-gay community gave the following reasons:

    ·         "The Asian community feels too conservative to me."

        ·     "I have more in common with gay men than with straight Asians."

        ·          “I ‘came out’ first as a lesbian, before coming to terms with my  

               identity as a Filipina American."

 

   Those who felt more comfortable in the Asian-American community explained:

        ·         "I relate to myself as an Asian person first."

        ·         "My culture and beliefs are so Asian."

        ·         "The gay community is so White and sometimes racist. I feel more

               comfortable with Asians and people of color."

        ·         "Because Asians are more easily identified, I can't always tell if

               someone is gay."

 

   The respondents who refused to choose one community over another, stated "neither."  One lesbian asserted, "I do not want to choose. I am a part of both communities, but the one I identify with best is the Asian-American lesbian community."

  

   Choice of identity-terms and identification. To determine whether individuals differentiate between feeling a part of a community and acknowledging their own personal identity, respondents were asked which terms they used to identify themselves and with which part of their identity (Asian American or lesbian-gay) they more strongly identified. Results indicated that the two concepts (community identification and personal identification) are similar for the respondents.

 

   The respondents who used the terms Asian-American lesbian or Asian-American gay man to identify themselves answered that they identified more strongly with the lesbian or gay part of their identity:

 

        ·         "I choose gay, because I feel that my sexual orientation

              transcends my Asian-American identity.  I also feel that I can have

              a greater impact in changing attitudes in the gay population.”

  ·         "I say lesbian; I have greater numbers of friends who are lesbians  

        than are Asian, and I feel closer to them."

  ·       "I more strongly identify with the lesbian and gay identity because I 

        was politicized by my lesbianism and feminism."

    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

   In contrast, the respondents who said that they identified themselves by the terms gay Asian American or lesbian Asian American and reported that they identified more strongly as Asian American made statements such as the following:

 

·         “I identify as Asian American because similar backgrounds and experiences are stronger bonds for me than sexual identity.”   

·         “My Asianness, because that is what I am first and foremost."

·         “Asian American, because I can't deal with the White - dominated lesbian and gay scene.  I guess I'm more race conscious than sexual-orientation conscious."

 

    This question was designed to force the respondents to choose one aspect of identity over another, but seven respondents refused to choose.  They reflect that most Asian lesbians and gay men feel most complete when they can be accepted as being both lesbian-gay and Asian-American, as the following comments indicate:

 

·         "I identify as being both.  I cannot separate the two parts of who I am."

·         "While the Asian-American community supports my Asian identity, the gay community only supports my being a gay man; as a result I find it difficult to identify with either.

·         “The only identification I can feel comfortable with is one which acknowledges both my lesbian and my Asian-American identities."

 

   These results suggest that, when a choice of identification is required, more respondents identified themselves as lesbian or gay than as Asian American but that others refused to choose because it would mean denying an important part of their identity.  It is likely that each person determines for herself or himself, depending upon the stage of identity development she or he is in, whether it is more comfortable to be Asian among lesbians and gay men or lesbian-gay around Asians or whether both are intolerable and she or he must be acknowledged as both Asian and as lesbian or gay by everyone.  Because identity development is a fluid, ever-changing process, an individual may choose to identify and ally more closely with being lesbian or gay or Asian American at different times depending on need

and situational factors.

 

   Disclosure of lesbian or gay identity. Another factor examined was whether or not respondents had disclosed their lesbian or gay identity to their families. Results indicated that most respondents have "come out" to someone in their family. A sibling, usually a sister, was overwhelmingly the first person in the family to whom this group had "come out."  Although 77% (27) have "come out" to a family member, however, only nine respondents (26% of the entire sample) have "come out" to their parents. When one takes into account that 6.2 is the mean number of years this group has been "out," the percentage of respondents who have "come out" to their parents seems low.  In addition, almost all respondents reported that they were "out', to most of their friends.  It seems then that there are specific cultural values defining the traditional roles, which help to explain the reluctance of Asian-American lesbians and gay men to "come out" to their parents and families.

 

   Asian cultural factors.  In additional to traditional family expectations, overt acknowledgment of homosexuality may be even more restricted by Asian-American cultural norms than it is in mainstream American society. When respondents were asked to describe the Asian-American perception of lesbian and gay Asian Americans, more than half responded that there was a denial of the existence of Asian-American lesbians and gay men. This supports the idea that homosexuality is commonly perceived by ethnic minority groups as a "White, Western phenomenon."  These results are similar to those noted by Espin (1987), who found that Latina lesbians were reluctant to be "out" in the Latino community, and noted, "Because of the importance placed upon family and community by most Hispanics, the threat of possible rejection and stigmatization by the Latin community becomes more of a psychological burden for the Hispanic lesbian…rejection from mainstream society does not carry the same weight (p. 40). 

 

   Assuming a similar importance of family and community relationships in Asian cultures, it is likely that Asian-American lesbians and gay men have not come out to their parents because of the overwhelming fear of rejection and stigmatization.  As one respondent reported, “I wish I could tell my parents - they are the only ones who do not know ,about my gay identity, but I am sure that they would reject me.  There is no frame of reference to understand homosexuality in Asian American culture.”

 

   In addition, it seems that some Asian-American lesbians and gay men choose to remain closeted not only among their families but also in the Asian-American community as well. To measure this, I used the question, "Do you find it easier or harder to 'come out' to other Asian Americans?"  Those respondents who thought it was harder commented that this was so because homosexuality is such a taboo in Asian cultures and that they felt neither acknowledged nor accepted by other Asian Americans.  In contrast, the small number who thought "coming out" to Asian Americans was easier indicated that they felt this way because they felt other Asian Americans would understand what being part of a minority group was like and would feel sympathetic. As might be expected, these four respondents identified more strongly with being Asian American than with being lesbian or gay.

 

   Perceptions of lesbian or gay Asian Americans by others. Given the difficulty associated with "coming out" to other Asian Americans by the majority of respondents, it is likely that lesbian and gay Asian Americans seek out other communities in which their gayness would be more accepted than within their families or ethnic communities.  But results also indicated a perception by respondents that the lesbian and gay community does not acknowledge their existence either.  A large majority of the respondents reported that they felt stereotyped or unacknowledged by the lesbian and gay community. As one respondent reported, "It is a problem to find my support only within the lesbian community, because I feel that I am either seen as 'exotic' and stereotyped, or unaccepted because I am Asian and not like the majority of White lesbians." Again, these results suggest that Asian-American lesbians and gay men, like other ethnic minority lesbians and gay men, find themselves in the position of not feeling totally comfortable in either community, because part of their identity is not being acknowledged.  Results of this study suggest that Asian-American lesbians and gay men find their support and affiliation with the Asian-American or lesbian-gay communities (or both) depending on which aspect of their identities they are focusing on as well as which situational factors are involved.

 

   Discrimination because of race or sexual orientation. Another factor examined in this study was whether or not respondents had been discriminated against because of their race, their sexual orientation, or both. These questions were the only ones in which gender was found to be a differentiating factor.  The majority of men reported that they felt more frequently discriminated against because they were gay than because they were Asian.  In contrast, the majority of women felt that they had experienced more discrimination because they were Asian than because they were lesbians.  Both lesbians and gay men felt that they experienced more discrimination overall because of being both Asian and lesbian or gay, what Wooden et. al. (1983) termed a double minority status.

 

   These results may be explained in two ways: First, by the theory that gay men and lesbians, regardless of race, may experience different kinds of discrimination. The gay men in this study may have reported greater discrimination for their sexual orientation than for their Asianness because male homosexuality is less accepted than is lesbianism by society.  The fact that these gay men are also Asian in race may be less important than their sexual orientation in experiencing discrimination.

 

   The reverse may be true for Asian lesbians, however. Gender discrimination may play a larger role than sexual orientation.  The "passive but exotic" sexual stereotypes of Asian women may be so dominant that all Asian women, regardless of sexual orientation, feel discriminated against because of their race and sex. Moreover, the stereotype may be so strong that the possibility that an Asian woman could be a lesbian may not even enter into the picture. As a result, lesbian Asian Americans perceive greater discrimination because of being Asian women than because of their sexual orientation. Like their Asian gay male counterparts, however, the women in this study did report that they have experienced greater discrimination overall because of their double minority status as both Asian and lesbian and, perhaps, triple minority status as Asian, lesbian, and a woman.

 

CONCLUSION

 

   The results of this exploratory study indicate that the self - identification of lesbian and gay Asian Americans is reflected in several factors: choice of community identification, choice of terms (Asian-American lesbian or gay man versus lesbian or gay Asian American), situational factors such as whether they had disclosed their lesbian or gay identity to their families and the Asian-American community, and their own perceptions of how they are perceived by the lesbian-gay community .Results also indicate that the majority of respondents identified more strongly with their lesbian or gay identity than with their Asian-American identity, although there were several respondents who insisted on acknowledging both aspects of their identity as Asian Americans and as lesbians or gay men.

 

   In terms of the Model of Homosexual Identity Formation (Cass, 1979), most of the respondents in this study reflected identities of Stage 4 (Identity Acceptance) and Stage 5 (Identity Pride), because they generally accept and are openly proud of their lesbian or gay identities (with Some exceptions of nondisclosure to parents).  In terms of the ethnic Minority Identity Development Model (Atkinson et al, 1979), most of the respondents reflected strong Asian-American identification and are in Stage 4 (Introspection) and Stage 5 (Synergetic Articulation and Awareness).

 

   Because all of the respondents were solicited from Asian American lesbian and gay organizations and thus may identify more strongly with being lesbian or gay, these results may not be generalizable to a larger Asian lesbian and gay population. Further studies might include a more random sampling of lesbian and gay Asian-Americans, as well as use of quantitative analysis methods, more comprehensive interviews with a larger sample, or both.

 

   Finally, some implications for understanding identity development can be derived from the results of this study. The results suggest that the extent to which an individual identifies as Asian American or as lesbian or gay can depend on several factors including the perceptions of homophobia in the Asian-American community, perceptions of racism in the lesbian-gay community, disclosure or nondisclosure of homosexuality to family and community, and affiliation with the Asian-American and lesbian-gay communities. Identity development is an ever changing process, and individuals may base their identification with one identity or community on their changing needs for support as well as on desires to share cultural factors. Some of these needs are met better by other lesbians or gay men, some by other Asian Americans, some ,only by other lesbian or gay Asian Americans.  Ideally, it seems that individuals who have double and triple minority status feel most complete when they can acknowledge and be accepted for each of their identities as lesbian or gay, as Asian American, and as women or men.

 

REFERENCES

 

·         Atkinson, D.R, Morten, G, & Sue, D. W. (1979).  Counselling American minorities. Dubuque, I A: Brown.

·         Bogdan, R. & Taylor, S.]. (1975).  Introduction to qualitative research methods.  New York: Wiley.

·         Cass, V .C. (1979).  Homosexuality identity formation: A theorectical

model.  Journal of Homosexuality, 4, 219-235.

·         Espin, 0. M. (1987).  Issues of identity in the psychology of Latina lesbians.  In Boston Lesbians Psychologies Collective (eds), Lesbian Psychologies (pp,. 35-51).  Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

·         Wooden, W. S. Kawasaki, H. & Mayeda, R. (1983).  Lifestyles and identity maintenance among gay Japanese-American males.  Alternative Lifestyles, 5. 236-243.

 

 

 

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