Left-wing politics

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In politics, left-wing refers to those who prioritize (social) equality as a political end, in opposition to the right-wing who view this end (especially when accompanied by an increase in the power of the State) as a threat to individual/family/civil society liberties, and/or the continuance of inherited traditions. In general, the left-wing advocate a secular multicultural society. The term has been associated, in varying degrees, with Social liberalism (as opposed to Classical), American Liberalism and Canadian Liberalism, some forms of Populism and Deconstructive Unitarianism, Social Democracy, Socialism, Communism, Marxism, Syndicalism, Communalism, Communitarianism, Libertarian Socialism, Anarchism, Left-Libertarianism, Anti-colonialism, Green Politics, Progressivism, and the Religious Left.

Although the left is generally secular.[citation needed] in some Roman Catholic countries there is a tradition of Liberation theology which focuses upon "social justice", and in some Protestant countries there is a tradition of Christian Socialism. Religious groups sometimes embrace left-wing politics; the U.S. civil rights movement is one such example[citation needed]. Others however, such as Eric Voegelin and Jacob Talmon, argue that the left is a secular political religion.

In the first half of the twentieth century, the Old Left argued that differences in social class determined the nature of a society. Between the 1950s and 1960s, this perspective, rooted as it is in economic determinism, was broadened by the New Left to include an egalitarian approach to cultural politics i.e. anti-racism; affirmative action; feminism; environmentalism; and LGBT civil rights.

Center-left, left of center, and left liberal refer to the left side of mainstream politics in liberal democracies. These support liberal democracy, representative democracy, some degree of private property rights and free markets, high spending on social welfare, extensive regulation of the economy, and some public ownership. Examples of center-left political parties include the British Labour Party, the Australian Labor Party, the New Zealand Labour Party, the American Democratic Party, the Canadian Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany.

Whereas Soft left refers to reformist, democratic or parliamentary forms of socialism (for example, Irving Howe or the Tribune group), Hard left refers to socialists who advocate more radical change in society, such as the British politician Tony Benn or the Militant Tendency. Organizations described as the far left, for instance groups affiliated to the Fourth International adopt more radical versions of left-wing politics and are rooted in the politics of the "old left." The Socialist Party USA is an example of an organization with both "radical" and "moderate" currents. Ultra-left organizations are those deemed to be on the most extreme left of the political spectrum, for example Italian autonomism.

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[edit] Origins and history of the term

See the Left-Right politics article for more detailed discussion of the history and development of the term

The term originates from the French Revolution, when liberal deputies from the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the president's chair, a habit which began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate, generally sat to the right. It is still the tradition in the French Assemblée Nationale for the representatives to be seated left-to-right (relative to the Assemblée president) according to their political alignment.

As this original reference became obsolete, the meaning of the term has changed, and is now used to denote a broad variety of political philosophies and principles. In contemporary Western political discourse, the term is most often used to describe forms of socialism, social democracy, or, in the sense in which the term is understood in the United States, liberalism and Canada, liberalism.

In the United States and Canada, no avowedly Socialist or Communist party ever became a major player in national politics, although the Social Democratic Party of Eugene V. Debs and its successor Socialist Party of America (in the late 19th and early 20th centuries), the Communist Party of the United States of America (in the 1930s), and the New Democratic Party of Canada made some inroads. While many American- and Canadian "liberals" might be "social democrats" in European terms, few openly embrace the term "left"[citation needed]; in the United States and Canada, the term is mainly embraced by New Left activists, certain portions of the labor movement, and people who see their intellectual or political heritage as descending from 19th century socialist movements.

Some deny that green politics is inherently "on the left" arguing that people take more care of property they own (especially if they expect to pass it onto their children) than they do of property which is held in common; nonetheless, green economic policies are generally considered to be left-wing, and when they have formed political coalitions (most notably in Germany, but also in local governments elsewhere), it has almost always been with groups that classify themselves as on the left.[citation needed] Notable exceptions include Green Parties participating in center-right governments in Mexico, with the National Action Party (PAN); in the 4-party "green-blue" coalition in Finland; and, on March 9, 2004, Indulis Emsis of Latvia's Union of Greens and Farmers became the first Green Prime Minister in the world, at the head of a minority center-right coalition.

[edit] Left-wing issues

The left has traditionally identified with the lower classes and with combating oppression. Thus the industrial revolution saw left-wing politics become associated with the conditions and worker's rights in the new industries. This led to movements advocating social democracy, socialism and trade unionism. More recently, the left has criticized what it perceives as the exploitative nature of current forms of globalization, e.g. the rise of sweatshops and the "race to the bottom", and either has sought to promote more just forms of globalization, such as fair trade, or has sought to allow nation-states to "delink" or break free of the global economy.

Although specific means of achieving these ends are not agreed upon by different left-wing groups, almost all those on the left agree that some form of government or social intervention in economics is necessary,[citation needed] ranging from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy or the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning.

As civil and human rights gained more attention during the twentieth century, the left has allied itself with advocates of racial and gender equality and cultural tolerance.

Advocacy of government or social intervention in the market puts some of those on the left at odds with advocates of the free market.

[edit] War and revolution

Historically, the left have been opponents of imperialist and colonial wars, and have championed anti-colonial rebellions.

While some segments of the left are inspired by a strict adherence to pacifism, much left-wing opposition to war arises primarily from anti-capitalist sentiment. Left-wing opposition to war is also often characterised by the internationalist belief that world's workers share common interests with one another, rather than with the powers governing their respective countries.

[edit] First and Second World Wars

The First World War triggered fierce debate among socialist groups as to the right response to take, with the leaderships of most socialist parties of the Second International supporting their governments, and a minority of socialists, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin opposing the war as imperialist. Left-wing opponents to the war came together at the Zimmerwald Conference. The Bolsheviks responded to a revolt by soldiers against the First World War with promises of "bread, land and peace." These promises proved to be misleading however, because once the Bolsheviks seized power there was famine due to enforced collectivisation. This took place under economic blockade, and at a time when the Soviets put all their resources into efforts to defend their country from invasion, a period known as "War Communism."

As a result of the Nazi-Soviet pact supporters of the Soviet Union were instructed by Stalin to describe those who advocated military attacks upon Nazi Germany as capitalist warmongers, but when Hitler turned on Stalin by invading the Soviet Union the majority of those on the left who had opposed the war became supporters of military action against Germany.

[edit] Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War, in which a democratically elected government was opposed by a military coup, was seen by many on the left as an important fight against fascism. In response to the outbreak of war, many joined the International Brigades or other left-wing militias organized by trade unions or political parties. Others campaigned for arms embargoes and advocated intervention by the League of Nations.

[edit] Vietnam and Iraq anti-war movements

The biggest anti-war movement that involved the western left was that against military involvement by the USA and Australia in South Vietnam when it was faced with an insurgency by the Vietcong, who were supported militarily by North Vietnam. The protests were directed primarily against the American military intervention and eventually received considerable mainstream support. Some critics argue that the widespread support for these protests amongst those of military age was motivated largely by a desire to avoid military service, and once President Richard Nixon abolished the draft and began to withdraw American troops from Southeast Asia there were no widespread protests by young people about the subsequent suppression of liberty in Vietnam and Cambodia.[citation needed]

The American-led war in Iraq led to revived support for anti-war movements. The governments of some social democratic political parties (such as Tony Blair's Labour Party) sent their countries' troops to participate in this war. A Left justification for this policy is supplied by, for example, Oliver Kamm Anti-Totalitarianism: The Left-wing Case for a so-called "Neo-Conservative" foreign policy. [1] However, most of the left has opposed the war in Iraq. Some on the left claim that the war in Iraq is imperialist, that control of the Middle East with its strategic oilfields, and not the removal of regime of Saddam Hussain, was the actual goals. Others argue that some of the justification for the war was inaccurate, specifically the claim that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.[2] [3]

Some criticism has been leveled at some left-wing groups for forming anti-war coalitions with libertarian organisations (such as the paleolibertarian Antiwar.com) or with groups led by fundamentalist Islamists (such as the Muslim Association of Britain). Some on the French left (especially within ATTAC) argue that antiwar protests distract from the economic arguments advocated by the anti-globalisation movement. In the U.S., much left-wing activism was channelled into Anybody but Bush campaigns, which effectively meant supporting the centrist Democratic Party. In the U.K, anti-war feeling may have been a factor in a drop in support for the pro-war Labour Party government, and the cause of gains for the Liberal Democrats.

[edit] The Left and global justice/anti-corporate globalization

The Global Justice Movement movement, also known as the anti-globalisation or alter-globalization movement, are protesters against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor and the environment. This movement is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. There are also those on the right, Pat Buchanan for example, who oppose globalization on nationalistic grounds. The Global Justice Movement does not oppose globalisation per se, on the contrary, it supports some forms of internationalism). The main themes of the movement are the reforms of international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the creation of an international social justice movement. It rejects the leadership of any political party, defining itself as a "movement of movements." Free market critics claim that anti-globalization simply re-packages economic policies which have failed to decrease poverty in developing countries.

[edit] The left and feminism

Main article: The left and feminism

Early feminism in the nineteenth century was often, although not always, connected to radical politics. Today, socialist feminists, Marxist feminists and liberal feminists position themselves as on the left of the political spectrum. Radical feminists however reject the entire left/right distinction.

[edit] The left and the developing world

Left wing political ideas and groups were involved in many of the anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia and South America. After the collapse of the Soviet Union many developing world governments sought funding from the World Bank. A contemporary exception is Venezuela, which relies on the income generated by its oil reserves.

Some left wing groups in the developing world, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico, argue that the Western left takes a racist and paternalistic attitude towards developing countries. There is particular criticism of the role played by NGOs.

The anti-globalization movement around the world is one of the main generators of support for left-wing social causes of all types. This seems to many to be a new rallying call in an effort to find justification for their existence in the modern era, along with the new left environmental movement. There has. however. been a decline in support for Stalinist or Maoist politics Anti-Stalinist left-wing movements in developing countries during the Cold War were often marginalized by the power of the pro-Stalinist movements funded by the Soviet Union.[citation needed]

[edit] The left and postmodernism

Left-wing Post-modernist theories reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. They argue for an embrace of culture as the battle grounds for change, rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, focusing instead on critiquing or deconstruction. Left-wing critics of Post-modernism view it as a reaction to the economic failure of State Socialism (both in Europe and Latin America and the USA) and disillusionment with authoritarian Communist regimes. They assert that cultural studies courses inflate the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.[4][5]

The most famous critique of post-modernism from within the left came in the form of a 1996 prank by physicist and self-described leftist Alan Sokal. Concerned about what he saw as the increasing prevalence on the left of "a particular kind of nonsense and sloppy thinking… that denies the existence of objective realities, or…downplays their practical relevance…",[6] Sokal composed a nonsensical article entitled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity"[7] , in which a mix of mis-stated and mis-used terms from physics, postmodernism, literary analysis, and political theory are used to claim that physical reality, and especially gravitation, do not objectively exist, but are psychologically and politically constructed.

The journal Social Text published the paper in its Spring/Summer 1996 issue, whereupon Sokal publicly revealed his hoax. While some saw Sokal as attacking leftism in general, he was very clear that this was intended as a critique from within:

Politically, I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. We're witnessing here a profound historical volte-face. For most of the past two centuries, the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism… epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. Theorizing about “the social construction of reality” won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming. Nor can we combat false ideas in history, sociology, economics and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity.… The results of my little experiment demonstrate, at the very least, that some fashionable sectors of the American academic Left have been getting intellectually lazy.[8]

Traditionist thinkers (conservative) scholar/critics view post-modernism as nihilistic. Gary Jason claims that "The failure of socialism, both empirically and theoretically, ... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and Post-modernism is their response."[9]

Some conservative opponents, such as writer David Horowitz, claim that post-modernists seek to deride the very concept of truth gathering, while at the same time engaging in politically motivated witch hunts of anybody deemed to deviate from politically correct views, whether those views are based on any objective view of truth or not.[citation needed]

[edit] The Left and Darwinism

The Left's relationship with Darwinism has generally been congenial (Stalin typically excepting himself by supporting Trofim Lysenko's Lamarckian views). Around the turn of the 20th century, Socialists of the Progressive era explicitly opposed the Spencerian concept of the "survival of the fittest", and its extension to Social Darwinism (a cause which Darwin himself opposed).

In 1875, Friedrich Engels wrote a letter to Pyotr Lavrov, saying:

"I accept the theory of evolution, but Darwin’s method of proof (struggle for life, natural selection) I consider only a first, provisional, imperfect expression of a newly discovered fact. ... The interaction of bodies in nature — inanimate as well as animate — includes both harmony and collision, struggle and cooperation. When therefore a self-styled natural scientist takes the liberty of reducing the whole of historical development with all its wealth and variety to the one-sided and meager phrase "struggle for existence", a phrase which even in the sphere of nature can be accepted only cum grano salis, such a procedure really contains its own condemnation."[10]

In 1902 the anarchist philosopher and scientist Peter Kropotkin published the book Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, which discussed additional means for the natural selection and evolution of species, beyond "Survival of the Fittest". Written partly as a response to Social Darwinism and in particular to Thomas H. Huxley's essay, "The Struggle for Existence", published in the magazine Nineteenth Century, Kropotkin drew on his experiences in scientific expeditions during his time in Siberia to illustrate the phenomenon of cooperation in animal and human communities. After examining the evidence of cooperation among the animals, the "savages", the "barbarians", in the medieval city, and in modern times, he concluded that cooperation and mutual aid are as important in the evolution of the species as competition and mutual strife, if not more important.

[edit] See also

[edit] Left-wing ideologies

[edit] Left-wing issues

[edit] Related political topics

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Oliver Kamm Anti -Totalitarianism: The Left-wing Case for a Neo-Conservative Foreign Policy2005, London: Social Affairs Unit ISBN 1-904863-06-X
  2. ^ Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber, Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq, Tarcher, 2003, ISBN 1585422762, ISBN-13 978-1585422760.
  3. ^ Ali A. Allawi, The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace, Yale University Press, 2007, ISBN 0300110154, ISBN-13 978-0300110159.
  4. ^ Postmodernism, commodity fetishism and hegemony, Néstor Kohan, International Socialism, Issue 105.
  5. ^ Chomsky on Postmodernism, Noam Chomsky, Z-Magazine's Left On-Line Bulletin Board.
  6. ^ A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
  7. ^ Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity, Alan Sokal, first published in; Social Text, issule 46/47, 1996
  8. ^ A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
  9. ^ Socialism's Last Bastion, Gary Jason, Liberty
  10. ^ Engels to Pyotr Lavrov In London, Marx-Engels Correspondence 1875, Marx/Engels Internet Archive (2000)

[edit] Bibliography

[edit] External links

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