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Thu. Sep. 13, 2007

Muslim Affairs > Africa > Politics & Economy

FAQs on Darfur

By  Abdelrahman Rashdan

Staff Writer — IslamOnline.net

  
A crisis that has harshly stormed into the life of the international community, Darfur is being described as the worst humanitarian disaster at present. For the complexity of the conflict, media propaganda cannot help but make the situation more blurred. Reuters stated that "it is hard to independently verify claims by government or rebels in Darfur," and other UN sources have noted the "lack of accurate information on the conflict." In the midst of all that, Muslim Affairs is presenting this FAQs to help in understanding the conflict in Darfur.
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Darfur is being described as the worst humanitarian disaster at present. (Photo by Reuters)


  What Is Darfur?

Literally, Dar in Arabic means the land of, and Fur is a tribe in Sudan. Thus, Darfur means the land of the Fur.

Location

Sudan is situated in the eastern part of the African continent on a wide area barely shy of 2.5 million square kilometers. Sudan oversees the eastern coast of the Red Sea.

The Darfur region, which comprises three states, lies in the farthest west point of Sudan. It is bordered by the North State and West Kardafan State from the east, by the Northern and Western Gazelle Sea States from the south, by Libya from the northwest, by Chad from the west, and by the Central African Republic from the southwest. Darfur extends between 9°20 N, 16°27.3 E, with an area similar to that of France.

Topography

Darfur's natural environment varies because of the vast geographic area it covers. Rain and humidity rates decrease in its north and in its deserts; however, they increase the more we head to the south.
Darfur's natural environment varies because of the vast geographic area it covers. Rain and humidity rates decrease in its north and in its deserts; however, they increase the more we head to the south. Its climate is that of poor thorn-tree savanna, whereas rich savanna traits are observed in the south. Plant life differs according to soil type and to rain and humidity rates.

Mediterranean climate is witnessed in the Murra Mountain area. Vegetables and fruits (oranges, apples, lemons, and rangpur) are plentiful there. The area's soil is volcanic and rich. North pastures are rich in gazw plant. This plant stores humidity, making it a water source on which camels rely for several months (from July to December every year). Variety in climate and environment results in a variety in economic activities. Many tribes (Maydoub, Zaghawah, Ziyadiyah, Northern Rozayqat, and Bani Hussain) depend on grazing camels, sheep, and cows.

Natural Resources

In Darfur, there are plenty of gum Senegal trees that yield gum Arabic, not to mention cotton and tobacco plantations in the southwestern part of the region. In some areas of Darfur, wheat, corn, and dukhn are cultivated. Darfur is distinguished by its large animal stockpile of camels, sheep, and cows. Unfortunately, this animal stockpile was destroyed at the beginning of the 1970s when draught hit the region. Besides grazing and agriculture as economic activities, the region is also rich in oil and minerals.

Main Cities

Of the 26 Sudanese states, three states constitute the Darfur region: the North State (capital: Al-Fashir), the West State (capital: Al-Junaynah), and the South State (capital: Nyala).

For an area that covers 512 thousand kilometers and holds about 7 million residents, 15% of the Darfur population is nomadic tribes. This explains the fact that the origins of some African and Arab tribes extend to neighboring countries, especially the Central African Republic and Chad.

  Who Are the Darfuris?

People of Sudan

Sudan is the largest Arab country. Out of the 40 million inhabitants of Sudan, 32% are urban, 61% are rural, and almost 7% are Bedouins. Islam is the dominant religion in the North and West of Sudan, while Christianity and paganism are more spread in the South.

Sunni Islam represents 70%, indigenous beliefs 25%, and Christianity 5%. Ethnically, the population of Sudan is divided into 52% African, 39% Arabs, 6% Beja, 2% foreigners, and 1% other.

The people of Sudan are from almost 600 tribes and speak over 110 languages and dialects. However, Arabic is the commonly spoken language by all tribes. It is the mother tongue for over 80% of the Sudanese people.

Population and Ethnic Groups in Darfur

The people of Sudan are from almost 600 tribes and speak over 110 languages and dialects.

Darfur has a population of seven million that belong to different tribes, mounting up to 36 main tribes.

Arab tribes in Darfur make almost 40% of Darfuris. Ziyadiyyah, Rozayqat, Mahiriyah, Mahameed, `Urayqat are Arab tribes that reside in the North state. The Bani Hussain tribe resides in the West State and Rozayqat and Ta`ayosha in the South State.

The African tribes Fur, Zaghawah, Berti, and Maydoub reside in the North State. The tribes Masaleet, Tama, and Zaghawah reside in the West State.

Some other tribes of African and Arabic origins are Tanger, Dagu, Salamat, Masiyriyah, `Utayfat, Barqu, Ma`alyia, Bani, Halbah, Falatah, Mansour, Ab Darq, Sulayhab, Mayma, Targam, and Marareet.

Darfur's North State holds 1,600,000 residents, the West State holds 1,660,000 residents, and the South State holds 2,960,000 residents.

  Why Care About Darfur?

One of the most complicated conflicts in today's world, the conflict in Darfur has resulted in a number of deaths and refugees that have attracted a lot of international and regional attention.

Out of the 6 million residents of Darfur, 4 million are either refugees or residents affected by the conflict. In addition, there are many who are in need of humanitarian assistance.

More than 2 million Darfuris are currently living in camps. At least 232,000 people have fled to neighboring Chad to live in refugee camps. Other 2 million are considered by the United Nations (UN) as "conflict-affected."

The conflict in Darfur has damaged the local trade, economy, and markets, leaving many Darfuris in need of food assistance.

Those living in camps are considered to be entirely dependent on international humanitarian assistance, with less freedom of movement because of the militias in the rural areas outside the camps.

With the increase of the attacks of rebels and militias in Darfur and the increase of insecurity in the area, humanitarian intervention has reached its lowest level since 2004. This led to hundreds of thousands of destitute Darfuris, who became out of the aid workers' reach.

According to the UN, the conflict in Darfur represents the world's worst humanitarian crisis at present.

  Who Are Fighting?

Despite the effort exerted in working out these conflicts and in signing the local treaties, conflict erupts again.

Tribal Conflict

Darfur is infested with tribal conflicts. These latter represent 85% of the strife in Sudan, most notable of which are those conflicts between the following pairs:

1. Zaghawah and Northern Rozayqat in North Darfur in the 1960s
2. Ma`aliya and Rozayqat in the 1960s
3. Ta`ayosha and Salamat in South Darfur in the 1980s
4. Fur and Arabs in Murra Mountain from 1978 to 1989
5. Zaghawah and Northern Rozayqat in North Darfur in 1994
6. Arabs and Masaleet in West Darfur in 1994
7. Rozayqat and Zaghawah in South Darfur from 1997 to 1999
8. Maydoub and Kababeesh 
9. Zaghawah and Qamar in West Darfur in 1999
10. Arabs and Masaleet in West Darfur in 1999
11. Fur and Arabs in Murra Mountain in 2002
12. Ma`aliya and Rozayqat in South Darfur in 2002
13. Arabs and Masaleet in West Darfur in 2003

These conflicts were stirred by fighting over pastural and agricultural resources. They were also due to the migration from North to South Darfur, as a result of desertification and scarce rain.

Despite the effort exerted in working out these conflicts and in signing the local treaties, conflict erupts again. The conflict later turned into a political conflict against the central government.


Armed Political Factions

According to the UN, the conflict in Darfur represents the world's worst humanitarian crisis at present. (Photo by Reuters)
Sudan Liberation Movement

A secular socialist group made of revolutionary elements. It considers Libya its ideological reference. Although the movement has its roots back in the unrest of the 1980s, it appeared on the scene on July 19, 2002, with an operation carried out by 37 of its elements against government forces in Qulu in Murra Mountain area. The group's strikes continued against the government forces and military areas.

The political statements of the movement call for the right to self-determination and the formation of a new united Sudan in which Darfuris can have a say. The movement also justified taking up arms on the basis that the government "introduced policies of marginalization, racial discrimination, and exploitation that had disrupted the peaceful coexistence between the region's African and Arab communities," as stated in the movement's Secretary-General's political declaration in May 2003.

Since then, the Sudan Liberation Movement was spilt into two factions: the faction of Minni Arkou Minnawi, from the Zaghawah tribe, who holds the largest number of fighters on the ground, on one hand, and the faction of Abdel Wahed Mohamed Al-Nur, an ethnic Fur, on the other.


Justice and Equality Movement
 
A group made of Islamist elements, headed by Dr. Khalil Ibrahim — an Islamist and follower of Dr. Hassan At-Toraby, a prominent Islamist figure and political opponent. The group participated in the early 1990s in suppressing a rebellion led by Engineer Yayha Bulad, who was captured and executed. It is believed that the movement is the military wing of the Popular Conference of At-Toraby. The movement's resorted to blasting the region's oil pipes and assuming control of some of the region's cities.

The Justice and Equality Movement calls for rebuilding Sudan's political system on civil and democratic principles. Also, it advocates a federal system that puts an end to the social, economic, and political injustice exercised by the central government.

Janjawid
 
A conglomeration of tribes of Arab origin based in south Darfur, with a number of militants exceeding 5,000. They are blamed for torching villages and pillaging crops.

The word Janjawid is composed of 3 divisions: Jan, which means man; jaw or jee, which refers to the man who holds a machine gun from the type "Geem 3" widely used in Darfur; and wid, which means horse. Thus, the whole word Janjawid means the gunman on a horse.

Generally, Janjawids wear white cloth like all Sudanese people. They ride horses, attacking villagers and rebels alike. The Sudanese government is accused of supporting the Janjawids against the black African population. The government officials deny such claims.

It is also claimed that the Janjawids attack the African tribes (Fur, Masaleet, and Zaghawah) in the Darfur area because the main rebel movements — the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement — come out of such tribes. Thus, the main aim of the Janjawids is claimed to be a complete eradication of these rebel movements through attacking the African tribes in the area.


Lobbying Groups

When weapons became abundant, the momentum of violence increased in the already unstable region.

Fur Tribes' Bloc

This was the first bloc to appear in the political scene. They depend on the glory of their old kingdom in rejuvenating their power. They believe Darfur is for the Fur, and they are highly motivated by an African, nationalist sentiment.

Zaghawah Tribes' Bloc
 
Although this bloc appeared relatively late, some consider it the most privileged among the blocs now. Many rapid changes took place in Zaghawah's economic and educational situation. This encouraged them to seek a political role that corresponds to their economic and educational rise.

To achieve these aspirations, the Zaghawah sought control over grassroots organizations — even in the places to which they migrated — such as village councils, popular committees, allegiance councils, and the national council.

This stirred up locals who started to realize the danger of the Zaghawah on their traditional leadership, vital interests, and political aspirations, especially that the numbers of Zaghawah migrants started to surpass the number of the locals in some of the areas to which the Zaghawah migrated.

Arab Tribes' Bloc
 
The bloc found its way to renown because of some circumstances during the third period of democracy (1986–1989). For the first time, printouts with the Arab Bloc's name on appeared, explaining historical, political, and social injustice and marginalization Arab tribes in Darfur were subject to. The Arab tribes believe they are credited with a spreading Islamic and Arab culture in the region.

Other Tribes' Bloc
 
Other Darfur tribes, which exceed 80, did not get their share of the political power. However, the Berti tribe — whose population count is similar to that of all other tribes' count — deftly managed during the third period of democracy to secure the region's governor post by presenting one of theirs — Dr. Abdul-Nabi Ali Ahmad — after the government failed to answer the tricky question "Who governs Darfur? The Fur or the Zaghawah?" The Masaleet tribe did the same as the Berti tribe by presenting one of theirs — Dr. Ali Hassan Tag Al-Deen — for the membership of the State Council, a distinguished post that no one from Darfur managed to reach since the death of Al-Khalifah `Abdallahi in the 19th century.

In their attempt to unite against the Sudanese government, the African, anti-government movements formed the Alliance of Revolutionary Forces of West Sudan in Tripoli, January 2006. The alliance included the Minnawi wing of the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement. However, the alliance soon crashed on the occasion of the Abuja agreement (in its seventh round in May 2006) that Minnawi signed with the Sudanese government.


After the Abuja agreement, in June 2006, the other factions and movements negotiated the formation of a common front called the National Redemption Front. However, no significant results came out of such negotiations.


It would be an oversimplification to describe the conflict in Darfur as an Arab-African ethnically based conflict.

  Arabs vs. Africans, Is That True When Describing the Conflict?

In other words, the ethnically African Darfuris are not considered to be killed or attacked in a systematic fashion for being African.

On the other hand, not all Arab tribes are participating in the Janjawid militias in Darfur. Although the Janjawid is composed of three Arab tribes (Mahiriyah, Rozayqat, and Jalul tribes), several other Arab tribes in the region refuse to send any member of them to join the Janjawid. They are keen on keeping a good relation with other African tribes in the region, as those latter allow the Arab tribes to pasture in their lands during the drought seasons, as reported by the BBC.

Originally, Janjwaids were formed through the migration of several small Arab tribes from Chad during the civil wars of the 1960s–1980s. Although clashes over resources in Darfur were not peacefully solved, intermarriages among the ethnic groups were common. In addition, in Darfur there exist many large Arab tribes who are settled down in their homelands and who have not participated in the conflict.

Accordingly, it would be an oversimplification to describe the conflict in Darfur as an Arab-African ethnically based conflict.

  When Did the Conflict Start?

The Darfur conflict did not suddenly abrupt; several factors and minor clashes have been accumulating in time and have resulted in the world's worst humanitarian crisis at present.

Minor and several clashes have been going on in the region for mainly the scarce of resources, yet later conflicts became more politicized. When weapons became abundant, the momentum of violence increased in the already unstable region.

The first batch of a large amount of weapons made its way into Darfur through the National Front when it was preparing for the July 2, 1976 uprising. The batch had reached Darfur's people before the National Front guided the government to it.

The second batch of weapons came into Darfur starting 1986. Sudanese historians claim that the spread of arms in Darfur at the time was much helped by the weaponry support that the Mahdi government gave to the Arab militias from the Mesereya and Rozaykat to confront the extension of the Garang movement. Such support is claimed to be continuous under the current Al-Bashir regime.

Traditionally, the conflict has been between the farmers and nomads for pastures and water resources. The conflict then escalated with the government's failure to handle it appropriately. The government's failure was mainly because it resorted to military means.

Tribal conflicts linked to the harsh environmental conditions, which affected the kind of relationship between the nomadic and the settled tribes working in agriculture, was then transformed into a conflict of a marginalized region (Darfur) that does not enjoy any attention from the central government, as claimed by the rebels.

In 2003, rebel groups began attacking government targets, claiming that Darfur is neglected and marginalized by the central government. These attacks marked the beginning of the current complicated crisis of Darfur.

Currently, the two main rebel groups in Darfur are the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, from which several splits came out.

  Are There Statistics About the Conflict?

Out of the 6 million residents of Darfur, 4 million are either refugees or residents affected by the conflict.

Exact figures of deaths, especially over the past three years, have been difficult to determine precisely for the fact that much of the Darfur region is inaccessible for researchers and aid workers. Estimates, though, range from 170,000 and up to 400,000 for the past 4 years.

A recent study was conducted by the American Government Accountability Office (GAO) to assess the credibility of six prominent death estimates for Darfur.

Of those six estimates were the estimate of John Hagan (which estimated a number of 400,000 deaths and was used by the Save Darfur coalition in its campaign), the estimate of World Health Organization, the estimate of the US Department of State, and the estimate of the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED).

The 12-expert panel of GAO found the CRED estimate the most accurate of all six: 170,237 deaths for the period of Sep. 2003 to June 2005. According to the UN fact sheet on Darfur issued in Aug. 2007, the number of deaths exceeds 200,000.

However, not all deaths in Darfur occur as a direct result of violence: Starvation and diseases in refugee camps of Darfur do also account for a considerable portion of the death toll.

In 2006, the Sudanese government declared that the number of those killed because of violence in Darfur does not exceed 9,000.

Total no. of people affected by conflict
4.2 million (UN report, May 2007)
No. of internally displaced people in Darfur
2.1 million (UN report, May 2007)
Residential population affected by conflict
1.78 million
No. of people receiving food aid
2.4 million
No. of Darfur refugees in Chad
234,000 (UNHCR*, Nov. 2006)
Percentage of affected population accessible according to UN security standards
64 percent (lowest rate since Apr. 2004)

* UN High Commissioner for Refugees 

  What Are the Organizations That Are Working To Solve the Crisis?


Humanitarian Organizations

Tension has been the dominant feature in the relation between international organizations and the Sudanese government since the beginning of the Darfur crisis until now. The government kicked out and banned several organizations and their employees in Darfur. On the other hand, this tension played further into increasing international pressure on the Sudanese government and into issuing UN resolutions against it.

The number of international organizations in Darfur does not relate to the number of individuals in the refugee and homeless camps in Darfur, which is no more than 400,000. Moreover, international organizations move freely in south Sudan, even after the national reconciliation with the government.

Western organizations constitute the core of humanitarian organizations working in Sudan, whereas Islamic, non-Sudanese organizations — which are concerned foremost with Darfur's Islamic identity — represent less than 12.5 percent of the total number of humanitarian organizations. The US has 35 international organizations working in Sudan, making up 19 percent of all organizations working in Sudan. The UK has 34 organizations; the Netherlands has 11 organizations; then come Germany, Canada, and France with 9 organizations from each. The rest are from Italy, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Northern Ireland, and Austria.

The number of foreign workers in these organizations is quite large: 496 British, 391 American, 302 French, 176 German, and 165 Dutch (1530 in total). The UN agencies specialized in Sudan have a number of 681 foreign employees.

  What Role Does the International Community Play in the Darfur Conflict?

For the diverse and conflicting interests of the main international players, an international unitary action is hard to be taken. (Photo by Reuters)

The conflict in Darfur is not only internal between rebels and militias; it has several international dimensions as well. The US, France, and China are the most apparent players in the Darfur scene. France is interested in maintaining stability in Darfur. History has proved that stability in Chad relies on the stability in Khartoum. Thus, to defend its interest in Chad, France is working toward a stable Darfur as well as a stable Khartoum government.

On the other hand, the US administration views Darfur as a major humanitarian concern that would somehow shift focus away from the failure of the US troops in Iraq. Save Darfur — an alliance of more than 175 faith-based, advocacy, and humanitarian organizations — has been pressuring the US government to take practical steps to end the "genocide" in Darfur. Through the Save Darfur coalition, the Darfur crisis has become the number 2 major issue after Iraq in the recent US congressional elections.

Sudanese experts assert that the Congress, now dominated by the Democrats, has a hidden agenda to control Darfur's natural resources. The Sudanese government can easily be pressured through the international campaign for Darfur and the accusations of the government of taking part in the ongoing violence.

One characteristic of the US unofficial presence in Darfur is the missionary movements. "We view this [Darfur crisis] as an opportunity to reach out to Muslims in the name of Jesus," the Rev. Ted Haggard, the former president of the National Association of Evangelicals, told the Washington Post. As early as year 2004, thirty-five US evangelical Christian leaders signed and sent a letter to president Bush to urge him to act on Darfur.

IslamOnline.net reported in 2004 the presence of a "blooming proselytizing activity" under the name of humanitarian relief in Darfur. Further, Andrew Natsios, special envoy of President Bush, served as the former vice-president of World Vision (a Christian humanitarian organization founded in 1950, a major recipient of federal funding).

China is a special case. For China, Sudan is one of the major interests in Africa for its large area, its privileged geographical and political location, and its oil and mineral reserves. With more than 200,000 barrel of oil exported daily from Sudan to China, the latter is keen on keeping a tight and stable relation with the government of Khartoum. Thus, China is counted on the side opposing any international forced intervention in Darfur.

For these diverse and conflicting interests of the main international players, an international unitary action is hard to be taken. However, in July 31, 2007, the UN Security Council issued Resolution 1769 to authorize the deployment of international forces in Darfur. The Sudanese government hanged its approval upon the condition that the 26,000-strong African Union/United Nations Hybrid Force in Darfur (UNAMID) be made up essentially of African troops.

The new hybrid force came out to replace the poorly equipped 7,000-strong African Union troops (AMIS) currently present in Darfur. Under UN Resolution 1769, the UNAMID has the right to use force for self-defense, to ensure the free movement of humanitarian workers, and to protect civilians under attack. The UNAMID, however, acknowledges Sudan's sovereignty. The UNAMID forces will begin to deploy to Darfur in Oct. 2007, and AMIS is expected to fully merge in UNAMID by Dec. 31, 2007.

  Where Does the Sudanese Government Stand in the Internal Struggle and the International Intervention?

Internally

Janjawids

The Sudanese government is accused of backing and arming the Janjawid militias to counter the rebel activities in the Darfur region. "The militias allow the Sudanese government to have a large but inexpensive armed force at its disposal that will serve loyally as a counterinsurgency force, as the militias stand to benefit financially (loot and land) from their participation in the fighting," Human Rights Watch stated. On the other hand, Sudan's government denies having control over the Janjawids, yet it admits mobilizing "self-defense militias" following attacks by rebels. President Omar Al-Bashir has once called those rebels "thieves and gangsters."

Internationally

International Criminal Court

In May 2007, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant against Ahmed Haroun (state interior minister during the height of the Darfur conflict) and militia commander Ali Muhammad Ali Abd Ar-Rahman (also known as Ali Kushayb).
 
Kushayb is accused by the ICC prosecutors of commanding thousands of Janjawid militias and personally leading attacks on towns and villages, leading to the execution of several hundreds of men in Darfur. For Haroun, prosecutors say that he "knowingly contributed to the commission of crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder, rape, torture, inhumane acts, pillaging and the forcible transfer of civilian populations," Reuters reported.

Only Kushayb is claimed by the Sudanese government to be in detention since Feb. 2007 on suspicion of violating Sudanese laws and under investigation for actions in Darfur. Haroun is currently the state minister of Humanitarian Affairs.

The Sudanese government rejects the ICC decision, saying "the court has no jurisdiction to try any Sudanese for any alleged crimes," Justice Minister Mohamed Ali Al-Mardi told a news conference in Khartoum in Feb. 2007.


International Forces 

"We don't want Sudan to turn into another Iraq," president Omar Al-Bashir declared back in 2006 when the option of UN international forces was looming. Basically, Sudan's government believes that the international forces that include US forces would be an occupation of Darfur and a step in the process of separating Darfur from the rest of Sudan as is going to happen to the South. Thus, Sudan only approved the 1769 resolution — after immense international pressure — on the condition that the UNAMID be made up essentially of African troops.

Sources:


Abdelrahman Rashdan is a staff writer for the Muslim Affairs section of IslamOnline.net. A graduate of the American University in Cairo, he holds a BA in political science with a specialization in political economy and international relations. Click here  to reach him.

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