Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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| In office 29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938 |
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| Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
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| In office 3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921 |
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| Succeeded by | Fevzi Çakmak |
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| In office 24 April 1920 – 29 October 1923 |
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| Succeeded by | Ali Fethi Okyar |
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| In office 1919 – 1938 |
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| Succeeded by | İsmet İnönü |
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| Born | May 19, 1881 Selânik (Thessaloniki) |
| Died | 10 November 1938 (aged 57) Dolmabahçe Palace, İstanbul |
| Nationality | Turkish |
| Political party | Republican People's Party |
| Spouse | Lâtife Uşaklıgil (1923–25) |
| Religion | Islam |
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| Military Service | Ottoman Empire (1893 - 8 July 1919) Turkey (9 July 1919 - 30 June 1927) |
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| Branch | Army |
| Rank | Ottoman Empire: General Republic of Turkey: Mareşal |
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| Commands | 19th Division - XVI corps - 2nd Army - 7th Army - Thunder Groups Command |
| Battles/wars | Tobruk - Anzac Cove - Chunuk Bair - Scimitar Hill - Sari Bair - Bitlis - Sakarya - Dumlupınar - |
| Awards | List (24 medals) |
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| Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (series) | |
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| Personal life | Birth date · Name · Early life (Education) · Family · Character · Religious beliefs · Will · Publications |
| Military career | Early period · Gallipoli · Caucasus · Sinai and Palestine |
| Independence War | Establishment · Conflicts · Peace |
| Atatürk's Reforms & Kemalist ideology | |
| Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video | |
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (19 May 1881 – 10 November 1938) was an army officer, revolutionary statesman, and founder of the Republic of Turkey as well as its first President.
Mustafa Kemal established himself as an intelligent and extremely capable military commander while serving as a division commander at the Battle of Gallipoli. He later fought with distinction on the eastern Anatolian and Palestinian fronts, making a name for himself during World War I.[1] Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire at the hands of the Allies, and the subsequent plans for its partition, Mustafa Kemal led the Turkish national movement in what would become the Turkish War of Independence. Having established a provisional government in Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Entente powers. His successful military campaigns led to the liberation of the country and to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
As the first President of Turkey, Atatürk embarked upon a major programme of political, economic and cultural reforms. An admirer of the Enlightenment, Atatürk sought to transform the ruins of the Ottoman Empire into a modern, democratic, secular, nation-state. The principles of Atatürk's reforms are often referred to as Kemalism and continue to form the political foundation of the modern Turkish state.
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[edit] Early life
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born in the Ottoman city of Salonika (Turkish: Selânik; modern-day Thessaloniki in Greece) in the spring of 1881 to Ali Rıza Efendi, his father, and Zübeyde Hanım, his mother. Born as Mustafa, his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his mathematics teacher in recognition of his academic excellence.[2] In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa to attend a religious school (the Şemsi Efendi Mektebi), though a reluctant Mustafa completed only a brief stay there. Then he had a fight with one of his teachers and left home, to enroll into a military junior high school in Selânik (the Selânik Askerî Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896 he enrolled into a military high school (the Manastır Askerî İdadisi) in the Ottoman city of Manastır (today's Bitola, in the Republic of Macedonia.) In 1899 he enrolled into the War College (the Mekteb-i Harbiye-i Şahane) in Istanbul and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the War Academy (the Erkân-ı Harbiye Mektebi) on 11 January 1905.
[edit] Military career
After his graduation in 1905, he was assigned to Damascus as a lieutenant. He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers called "Motherland and Liberty." In 1907, he was promoted to the rank of captain and assigned to Manastır. He joined the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). However, in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, policies pursued by the CUP leadership. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution seized power from Abdülhamid II. He played a role in this revolution. In 1910, he took part in the Picardie army maneuvers in France. In 1911, served at the Ministry of War for a short time. Later in 1911, he was posted to the Ottoman province of Trablusgarp (present-day Libya) to oppose the Italian invasion. He returned to capital in October 1912 following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. During the First Balkan War, he fought against the Bulgarian army at Gallipoli and Bolayır on the coast of Thrace. In 1913, he was appointed military attaché to Sofia and promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 1914.
The Ottoman Empire entered World War I and engaged with the Allies in the Middle Eastern theatre. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the 5th Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. The Gallipoli campaign became a disastrous defeat for the Allies. Mustafa Kemal became the outstanding front-line commander and gained much respect from his former enemies for his chivalry in victory. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until the 14 January 1916.
He was assigned to the command of the XVIth Corps of the 2nd Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign. The massive Russian offensive had reached the Anatolian key cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.[3] Two of his divisions captured not only Bitlis but the equally important town of Muş, greatly upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[4] On 7 March 1917, Mustafa Kemal was appointed from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the 2nd Army. The Russian Revolution erupted and the Caucasus front of the Czar's armies disintegrated.[3] Mustafa Kemal had already left the region as was assigned to the command of the 7th Army at the Sinai and Palestine Campaign.
He returned to Aleppo on 28 August 1918, and resumed his command. Liman von Sanders had lost the Battle of Megiddo. Nothing stood between General Allenby's forces and Mustafa Kemal. Concluding that he didn't have enough men to engage the British forces, Mustafa Kemal retreated towards Jordan to establish a stronger defensive line. He was appointed to the command of Thunder Groups Command (Turkish: Yıldırım Orduları Gurubu), replacing Liman von Sanders. Mustafa Kemal's position became the base line for the Armistice of Mudros.
Kemal's last active service to the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the troops that were left behind the south of his line. At the end of the war, he was 37 years old. Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Istanbul on 13 November 1918. Along the established lines of partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, British, Italian, French and Greek forces began to occupy Anatolia. The occupation of Istanbul along with the occupation of İzmir mobilized the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[5]
[edit] Leadership during the War of Independence
Mustafa Kemal's active participation in the national resistance movement began with his assignment as a General Inspector to oversee the demobilisation of remaining Ottoman military units and nationalist organizations. On 19 May 1919, he departed from Istanbul to Samsun. The first goal in his mind was the establishment of an organised national resistance movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he and his close friends issued the Amasya Circular, which stated that the independence of the country was in danger. The Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest, later condemning him to death. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July.
Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament that would have its seat in Ankara.[6] On 12 February 1920, the last Ottoman Parliament gathered in Istanbul. This parliament was dissolved by British forces after the declaration of the National Pact (Turkish: Misak-ı Milli). Mustafa Kemal used this opportunity to establish the "Grand National Assembly of Turkey" (GNA) gathered on 23 April 1920, with Mustafa Kemal as the speaker of the parliament. On 10 August 1920 Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, which finalized the plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire including what Turkish nationals accepted as their heartland. Kemal Insisted on complete independence and the safeguarding of the interests of the Turkish majority on Turkish soil. He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The National Army faced the Allied occupation forces and fought on three fronts: in the Franco-Turkish, Greco-Turkish and Turkish-Armenian wars. After a series of initial battles during Greco-Turkish war, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Commander in chief of the forces.[7] The Battle of Sakarya from 23 August to 13 September 1921 ended with the defeat of the Greeks. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Ankara's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Serves treaty as a peace settlement on Ankara. Kemal rejected their proposal. The final battle, the Battle of Dumlupınar, was fought during August and September of 1922. He launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar.
The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. In accordance with the directives of Mustafa Kemal, İsmet İnönü refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty while discussing matters regarding the control of Turkish finances and justice, the Capitulations, the Turkish Straits and the like.[8] On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed. Ten weeks after agreement was reached the Allied forces left Istanbul.[9] The final outcome of the independence war was the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923.
[edit] Presidency
- For conceptual analysis, see Kemalist ideology and Atatürk's Reforms
The Treaty of Lausanne ended the Turkish War of Independence and recognized the new nation's independence. Mustafa Kemal was 42 years old when the Republic of Turkey was formed. However, efforts to modernise the country had just started; institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, or Switzerland were yet to be analyzed and adopted according to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs".[10] In order to establish reforms Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kazım Özalp and İsmet İnönü in the important positions. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting wide-ranging and progressive political, economic, and social reforms, transforming Turkish society from perceiving itself as Muslim subjects of a vast Empire into citizens of a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state.
[edit] Domestic policies
A basic political principle for Kemal was the complete independence of the country; the independence of the country was not negotiable for him.[11] He was well aware that independence could not be maintained solely by the military force. He clarified his position:"...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence."[12] He led wide ranging reforms in the social, cultural, economical aspects, and as a result the new Republic's backbones on the legislative, judicial, and economic structures were put in place.
The fundamentals on nationalism, populism and etatism were defined under the name of "Six Arrows". The Six Arrows became a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new Republican rule. The Six Arrows, later to be commonly known as Kemalist ideology and become the defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey, based on Mustafa Kemal's conception of realism and pragmatism.[13] The fundamentals neither in the world politics nor among the elites of Turkey were not new. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism. The Kemalist secular state significantly differed from the application of secularism in other states that were predominantly Christian.
[edit] Emergence of the state, 1923-1924
Mustafa Kemal's private journals show that, even before the establishment of the republic in 1923, he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people, as opposed to the sovereignty of the absolute monarch, which was the case in the Ottoman Empire. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Istanbul and its Ottoman heritage.[14] For instance, Ankara, then some provincial town deep in Anatolia which was turned into the center of the independence movement, became the country's new capital. He wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[15] and visualized a parliamentary sovereignty (a representative democracy), where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[16] However, in the following years, He took the position that the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in this environment. The revolutionaries regularly faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of relatively new ideologies such as communism and fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both,[17] preventing the spread of totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy.[18] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition, others believed it was a necessary means to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing into the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.
The heart of the new republic, GNA, was established during the Turkish War of Independence upon the call of Mustafa Kemal.[19] The role of deputies at the GNA were to be the voice of the Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. The elections were free, and the system was an egalitarian electoral system, based on general ballot.[19] The GNA had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. The GNA acted as a legislative power, controlled the executive and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny.[19] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. The President, then Mustafa Kemal, occupied a powerful position in this political system.
The single-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "Peoples Party" that was founded by Mustafa Kemal at the initial years of the independence war. Later it was renamed as the Republican People's Party (Turkish "Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası") on 9 September 1923.
[edit] Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924-1925
An important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the national sovereignty was the abolition of the Caliphate. The Caliphate is the core political concept of Sunni Islam, by the consensus of the Muslim majority in the early centuries.[20] Abolishing the sultanate was easier, as the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a two-headed system: The new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side. Atatürk and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph...[21] " The Caliph Abdülmecid II, who was seated after the abolishment of the sultanate (1922), had his own personal treasury which was not bound to the republican treasury. His personal service included guards (military personnel). Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this, as Caliph Abdülmecid II appeared to be following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[22] Mustafa Kemal wanted to integrate the powers of the Caliphate into the powers of the GNA, and his initial activities began on 1 January 1924.[23] Mustafa Kemal acquired the consent of İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp before the abolition of the Caliphate. The Caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[24] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said
The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past."[25]
—Mustafa Kemal
On 3 March 1924, the Caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. The debate as to the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the Caliphate was taken up by other Muslim nations in order to decide whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new Caliph.[24] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the Caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[24] Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[24] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the Caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[26]
The removal of the Caliphate was followed by the estensive effort to establish separation of the governmental and religious affairs. The education was the corner stone. In 1923, unlike any other "Public school" systems of today, there were three main horizontal institutions closed to each other. The first and most common one was local schools and medreses based on Arabic, Koran and memorizing. The second was reformist schools of Tanzimat called as idadî and sultanî and the third was schools educating in foreign language like colleges and minority schools. Under Kemal the old medrese education was modernized.[27] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education with a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions along the line of an enlightened pragmatism.[27] Kemal linked the educational reform to the liberation of the nation from the dogma, which he believed was even more important than the Turkish war of independence.
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[28]
—Mustafa Kemal
In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to advise him on ideas for reforms and recommendations aimed at modernizing the Turkish educational system.[27] Mustafa Kemal initiated his public education reforms to enhance public literacy and thus better prepare citizens for roles to public life. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the Republic. Mustafa Kemal pointed out that one of the main targets of "Education in Turkey" had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the public culture. Public culture aimed that state schools (public education) have a common curriculum. Common curriculum became known as the "unification of education." Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the law of "National Education No: 430". Unification of education in its treatment of students was inclusive, organized and operated to be a deliberate model of the civil community. The schools submitted their curriculum to what was named as "Ministry of National Education" which was a government agency modeled after other Ministry of Educations of its time. Ministry of National Education draw a contemporary route to the traditional social structure; by causing or gaining contemporary citizen consciousness.
The law of "National Education No: 430" passed on the same day as the abolishment of Caliphate and, concurrently, the Republic abolished the two ministries and subordinated the clergy to the department of religious affairs. The change was one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum was the end of "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire" even if it was not the end of religious schools as they were moved to higher education until consequent governments pulled back to secondary education after Mustafa Kemal's death.
In the fall of 1925, Mustafa Kemal encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[29] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[29] Fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western style hats instead of the fez. Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory to the civil servants.[29] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees (public space controlled by state) was passed during his lifetime. After most of the relatively better educated civil servants adopted the hat with their own free will, in 1925 Mustafa Kemal wore his "Panama hat" during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern suits instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress on women, Mustafa Kemal never made specific reference to women’s clothing in the law. In the social conditions of the period, he believed that women would adapt to the new way with their own will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who originally covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition, but then threw off the hijab and urged Turkish women to do the same.[30]. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters like Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[31]
Kastamonu speech which introduced Kemal's view on religious insignia used outside times of worship also introduced another position of his. He said:
In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up. [11]
—Mustafa Kemal, s:tr:Atatürk'ün Kastamonu Nutku
He reffered to the shrines of Muslim saints, saying: "It is a disgrace for a civilized society to appeal for help to the dead." On September 2, the day Mustafa Kemal talk to the leaders at the parliament, the government issued a decree closing down the all Sufi orders, and the tekkes. Bektashis moved to Albania. Soon after in 1929, the Bektashi order hold their third Bektashi Congress in the southern city of Korca and decided to relocate the headquarters to Tirana. Mustafa Kemal ordered the dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of Sufism was simply become illegal in Turkey, but the politically neutral form of Sufism, functioning as social associations, given permission to exist. The orders which can make this transform like the Mevlevi order still exits. After Mustafa Kemal's death, the 1950s government legalized the Mevlevi order as an association.
During this period, the conservative elements were not satisfied and launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[24]
[edit] Opposition, 1924-1927
Cultural revolution, and especially the abolition of the Caliphate, faced fierce opposition. In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said Piran began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said Piran was the rich, Kurdish hereditary chieftain of the local Naqshbandi order. Said Piran emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Said Piran stirred up his followers against the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate and the policies of the Kemalist government, which he considered to be against Islam. Some members of the government saw the revolt as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. In the name of the restoration of the Holy Law using the Islamic green banner, Said Piran's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[32]
There were also members of the GNA who were not happy with the changes. At a private meeting of the CHP there were so many members who were denounced as opposition sympathizers that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear that he would be among the minority in his own party.[33] Mustafa Kemal decided not to purge this group.[33] A censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group. On 17 October 1924 Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends, established the break-away group and the first multi-party system began. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On 8 November the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[33] Whatever the arguments, the majority of the CHP, which held all but one seat, chose him against his critics.[33] On 1 November 1924 Mustafa Kemal said "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress."[33]
The breakaway group officially established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) on 17 November 1924, with 29 deputies. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to state socialism, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to modernism. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[34] The RPR was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program. The program supported the main mechanisms for establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[33] The principles were set by the leaders at the onset, but the only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
On 4 March 1925, to deal with the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the "Maintenance of Public Order Law" was passed, which gave the government exceptional powers. The law, which was repealed on 4 March 1929, included all the tools and authority to shut down subversive groups. During 1926 a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in İzmir. It was found to originate with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate and had a personal grudge. Quickly the trail turned from inquiry of planners of this attempt to an investigation carried out ostensibly to uncover subversive activities and actually used to undermine those with differing views regarding the cultural revolution. The sweeping investigation brought before the tribunal a large number of political opponents, including Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who were at best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat were found guilty of treason and hanged.[35] During these investigations there was a link, a support, that was uncovered among the members of the PRP to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however, was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying "my mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever" was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.[36]
[edit] Modernization efforts, 1927-1930
In 1927 The State Art and Sculpture Museum (Turkish: Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) an institution which was supported by Mustafa Kemal was opened its doors. He believed in the supreme importance of culture and expressed with the phrase "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."[37] He described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." His view of culture putting an emphasis on humanism above all included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. He emphasized the study of earlier civilizations, foremost of which being the Sumerians and Hittites. He assist in the creation of synthesis by utilizing the elements of the national heritage of the Turks and of Anatolia, including its ancient indigenous cultures as well as the arts and techniques of other world civilizations, both past and present. He brought the cultural signatures of the past into public attention by naming "Sümerbank" after Sumerians, and "Etibank" after the Hittites.
This policy followed by other cultures of Anatolian civilizations such as the Phrygians and Lydians. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon the fact that, long before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations, the Turks have had a rich culture. Atatürk also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.
Mustafa Kemal said on one occasion that: "We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us."[38] On March 1, 1926 a penal code modelled after the Italian Penal Code was passed. On October 4, 1926, Islamic courts were closed and Islamic canon law was replaced with a secular civil code modeled after the Swiss Civil Code. Mustafa Kemal recognized the need of time to establish the structures of civic law. New judges had to be trained, new institutions had to be established. Under these conditions, the inclusion of the principle of laïcité in the constitution had to wait until 5 February 1937, just more than a year before his death.
One of Atatürk’s goals was to improve the status of women and integrate them thoroughly into the society. He saw secularism as an instrument and the civil code modeled after the Swiss Civil Code gave him the tools. It was evident from his personal journal that Mustafa Kemal began to develop the concepts of his social revolution very early. Atatürk constantly discussed with his staff on issues like abolishing the veiling of women and integration of females to social life, and developed conclusions. In November 1915, Mustafa Kemal wrote in his journal that "the social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection."[39] Mustafa Kemal did not consider the gender as a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with all its women and men together. It was scientifically impossible for him to achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation continued as in the Ottoman times.[40] During a meeting in the early days of the newly proclaimed republic, addressing to the women, he declaimed:
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[41]—Mustafa Kemal
Atatürk wanted to solve the literacy problem. Literate citizens, who comprised as little as 10% of the population, used the Ottoman Language written in Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[27] Dewey notes that roughly three years with rather strenuous methods were necessary to learn to read and write in Arabic script on the elementary level.[27] The creation of the new Turkish alphabet as a variant of the Latin alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Turkish: Dil Encümeni) at the initiative of Atatürk.[27] The Turkish alphabet was decreed on 24 May 1928. The first Turkish newspaper was published with the use of the new alphabet on 15 December 1928. The fast adoption of the new alphabet was the result of the combined effect of opening the People's Houses (Turkish: Halk Evleri) beginning in 1932 throughout the country and the active encouragement of people by Kemal himself. Atatürk made many trips to the countryside in order to teach the new alphabet. The literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new Law on Copyrights and congresses for discussing the issues of copyright, public education and scientific publishing.
Atatürk promoted the modern teaching methods in primary education in which Dewey took a place of honour.[27] Dewey's "Report and Recommendation" for the Turkish educational system was a paradigmatic recommendation for an educational policy of developing societies moving towards modernity at the time.[27] Besides general education, Atatürk was interested in forming a skill base in the country through adult education. His adult education ideas found its way in People's Houses. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making and household management, but also the tools which they could use to become part of general economy. He summarized the adult education as "to equip the new generations at all education levels with knowledge that shall make them efficient and successful in practical and especially economic life."
During the initial years Mustafa Kemal Atatürk constantly tried to generate mediums to propagate his ideas of modern education. Atatürk instigated official education meetings named "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." At "Science Boards" and "Education Summits" the quality of education, training issues and certain basic educational principles were discussed. Kemal said "Our schools [curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve" and he personally engaged to the development of two textbooks. The first one published in 1930 was "Turkish: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler" (Turkish Civics). The "Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler" introduced the science of comparative government and explained about means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to state institutions. Atatürk's vision of education of the public while developing the functions and responsibilities of these institutions was an extraordinary vision and a brave move for his time and special context. The institutions in question were only a couple years old. Kemal's new "unified" educational system designated a responsible citizen as well as a useful and appreciated member of the society.[27] The second textbook he wrote was "Geometry" and published in 1937. Turkish education become a state supervised system which was designed to create a skill base for the "social" (integrative force to establish access to education, alleviation of poverty and using female education program to enforce gender equality) and general "economic progress" of the country.[42]
[edit] Opposition, 1930-1931
On August 11, 1930, Mustafa Kemal decided to try a democratic movement once again. He assigned Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. In Mustafa Kemal's letter to Ali Fethi Okyar, laicism was insisted on. At first, the brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. But once again the opposition party became too strong in its opposition to Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life.
Menemen Incident was a chain of incidents starting with the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean region of Turkey, in 1930.
Finally, seeing the rising fundamentalist threat and being a staunch supporter of Atatürk's reforms himself, Ali Fethi Okyar abolished his own party and Mustafa Kemal never succeeded in establishing a long lasting multi-party parliamentary system. He sometimes dealt sternly with the opposition in pursuing his main goal of democratizing and modernizing the country. There have been criticisms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, arguing that he did not promote democracy by dominating the country with his single party rule. In response to such criticisms, his biographer Andrew Mango wrote that: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."[43] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of eventually building a democratic state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in the year 1933: "Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year it should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes."[44]
[edit] Modernization efforts, 1931-1938
Another important part of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's emphasis was on establishing institutions to advance Turkish language and history. The establishment of the Turkish Language Association (Turkish: Türk Dil Kurumu) was archived in 1931 for conducting research works on Turkish language. The establishment of the Turkish Historical Society (Turkish: Türk Tarih Kurumu) was archived in 1932 for conducting research works on history. Many teachers were employed in Turkish History and Language Institutions. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk declared that the advancement of education called for the endeavors of the private sector and he summoned society to take part in the effort.[45] Kemal established the Turkish Education Association on 1 January 1928.[45] Association become active in the field of education, supporting intelligent and hard-working children in financial need as well as making material and scientific contributions to the educational life.
In 1933, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ordered the reorganization of the Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established the Ankara University in the capital city to make sure that the principles that are the expressions of a modern society, such as science and enlightenment, are held dear and protected.[46]
Atatürk personally engaged with the translation of scientific terminology.[47] Atatürk wanted the Turkish language reform based on a methodological base. The Turkish language has an integral structure and without modelling this structure any attempt to 'clean' the Turkish language from foreign influence was inherently wrong for him. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk personally engaged with the Sun Language Theory (Turkish: Güneş Dil Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory proposing that all human languages are descendants of one Central Asian primal language. Atatürk's interest started with the works by the French scientist Hilaire de Baranton entitled "L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples", that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and cuneiform used by Sumerians[48] and the paper of Austrian linguist Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna entitled "La psychologie de quelques elements des langues Turques" ["the psychology of some elements of the Turkic Languages"].[49] Atatürk introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, at the high point of attempts to 'cleanse' the Turkish language of foreign influences. After 1936, Atatürk saw the extremist aspects of the purification campaign and corrected them.[47]
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On 5 December 1934 moved for granting of full political rights to women, well before several other European nations. The Swiss civil code which defined the rights of women in a marriage as equal to those of men was passed earlier.[50] The place of women in Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms was best expressed in the civic book which was prepared under his supervision.[51] Mustafa Kemal said that
There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform."[52]
—Mustafa Kemal
However, the change was not easy. In the 1935 elections, which was the last election Atatürk had the chance to observe, there were only 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives.
In 1934, upon Mustafa Kemal's order the first ever Turkish opera work "Özsoy" composed by Adnan Saygun and leaded by Semiha Berksoy staged at the People's House in Ankara.[53]
Beginning with 1932 several hundred "People's Houses" (Turkish: Halk Evi) and "People's Rooms" (Halk Odası) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. The visual and the plastic arts, whose developers had, on occasion, been arrested by some Ottoman officials claiming that the depiction of the human form was idolatry, were now highly encouraged and supported by Atatürk, and these flourished in the new Turkish Republic. Many museums were opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, and ballet, as well as the theatre, also took greater hold. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.
Mustafa Kemal commissioned the translation of the Quran into Turkish and he had it read in front of the public in 1932.[54] According to Mustafa Kemal, a progressive nation also was progressive in understanding its belief system. In Mustafa Kemal's world there was no dualism. He enforced his ideas to the full extent.
[edit] Foreign policies
Atatürk's foreign policy was aligned with his motto “peace at home and peace in the world.” Atatürk's perception of peace was not simply the absence of war but linked to his project of civilization and modernization.[55] The base and the expected outcome(s) of Kemal's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty (justice, moral superiority, and social structure of the nation) that was established by the Republic.[56] The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. The foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency.
[edit] Issue of Mosul
The "Issue of Mosul" was one of the first foreign affairs related controversy of the new Republic. It was the dispute with Great Britain over the control of the Mosul Province. General Marshall, following the instruction "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew" from the British War Office, captured Mosul three days after the signature of Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) that ended the hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre .[57] In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the "Turkish lands" based on a common past, history, concept of morals and laws, declared that the Mosul Province was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. In 1923, Mustafa Kemal tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the League of Nations over the Mosul with the Treaty of Lausanne, did not mean giving up Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. The artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population. Later on it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on the oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.[58] The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul, and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. The Iraqi revolt against the British was put down by the RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. Presumably, from a British perspective, if Mustafa Kemal Atatürk succeeded in securing the stability in his side, he would have turned his attention to recovering Mosul and penetrate into Mesopotamia, where the native population would probably join him, thus an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation would be brought up to the very gates of India. The British Foreign Secretary attempted to disclaim any existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Lord Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.[57] However, according to Armstrong, "England wanted oil. Mosul and Kurds were the key."[59]
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee was sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion, beginning in 1924 and escalating until 1927, broke out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebellion and British support was questioned. The British assistance was sought realizing that the rebellion, or its expected outcome, could not stand by itself.[60]
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the Northern frontier [North of Iraq], the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.[61] The revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq and Kemal made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. In 1926, Kemal faced growing opposition to his reform policies, a continuing precarious economic situation, and a defeat in the Mosul issue. A big section of the Kurdish population along with the Iraqi Turkmens were left at the other side of the border. The Sheikh Said Rebellion hastened both the imposition of the Republican Party and the speed of Atatürk's reforms. In 1925, the population was largely illiterate and disparate, Turkey was in ruins, reconstruction was difficult, poverty was everywhere and people were in pain, which easily fed separatist violence.[62] Mustafa Kemal attributed the rebellion to certain notables rather than a section of the population, who had been found guilty by the courts (kanunen mucrim olan bazi muteneffizan) and who used the mask of religion to conceal the interests of landlords, feudal tribal leaders and other 'reactionaries' on 7 March 1925.[63]
[edit] Relations with Soviet Union
Mustafa Kemal wanted positive relations with its northern neighbor. Relations extended to the period neither the Republic of Turkey, nor the Soviet Union was established. He signed the Treaty of Moscow with the Bolshevist Russia. The relations were cordial but had a distinct character of the common interests. The basic character of the relations during Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's leadership of the independence war established on the fact that they were fighting against a common Enemy: England and the West.[64] He cooperate with Soviets during war of Independence in order to reach the independence and establish the new state.
“Friendship with Russia” said Mustafa Kemal, is not to adopt their ideology communism for Turkey[64]. He declared: “Communism is a social issue. Social conditions religion and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey.[65]” On November 1 1924 in a speech “Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the Keynote of our foreign policy. [64]”
The cordial relations were tested during the "Issue of Mosule." Curzon insisted during Lozan conference (1923) that Mosul belonged to Iraq, and it would be under British Mandate of Mesopotamia. In 1923, Kemal refused to accept this position, and on the same day signed a Pact of Non-Aggression and Security with Soviet Russia in Paris. This conceived postponing the issue to the League of Nations to be resolved in 1925. The Non-Aggression and Security with Soviet Russia remained in effect until unilaterally abrogated by the Soviet Union in 1945.
The second most notable man in the Soviet Union, the War Minister Kliment Voroshilov who was definitely more popular though less potent than Joseph Stalin was invited to the tenth year celebrations by Mustafa Kemal.[66] Kemal explained his position regarding toward realization of his plan for a Balkan Federation economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Rumania, Jugoslavia and Bulgaria. He answered the questions of Voroshilov on his vision which Russia also have interest in the region and as Turkey wanted to cleave to Russia, until recently the only friend. The visit had historical importance as no member of the Politbureau or Steering Committee of Moscow's ruling Communist Party had ever ventured outside the Soviet Union since it was founded[66].
During the second half of the 1930s Mustafa Kemal tried to get close to England as part of improving relations with West. Franklin D. Roosevelt quoted the Foreign Affairs Minister of the Soviet Union, Maxim Litvinov. "Litvinov told me that the most valuable and interesting leader in the world does not live in Europe but beyond the Straits in Ankara and that he was the President of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal. [67]"
[edit] Turkish-Greek alliance
Mustafa Kemal did not believe in concepts of permanent friendship or holding a grudge. The postwar leader of Greece Eleftherios Venizelos was also determined to establish normal relations between the two states. The war had devastated the lands of Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece brought obstacles to the rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with the agreement despite the accusations of making many concessions on the issues of the naval armaments, and of the properties of the Ottoman Greeks from Turkey according to the Treaty of Lausanne.[68] Similarly, Kemal resisted the pressures of historic emnities or atrocity-mongering between the societies. In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Kemal showed acute sensitivity to even the slightest allusion to these tensions. Kemal at one instance ordered immediate removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet to a Greek soldier by stating "What a revolting scene!".[69]
Ultimately, many Greeks consider the reconciliation with Turkey among the greatest foreign policy achievements of Venizelos' final term as Prime Minister. Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory. The two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930; on 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey, and signed a treaty of friendship.[70] Even after his fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement, called the Entente Cordiale. Entente Cordiale become a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.
Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas said of Atatürk and the Turkish-Greek alliance, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."
[edit] Treaty of Saadabad
One of the main goals of the Mustafa Kemal was to establish security and peace on the eastern border of the new republic. The states at the eastern border had high stakes in preserving their common frontiers, and consulting together in all matters of common interest rather than keeping the channels closed. Treaty of Saadabad became the highest point in this goal.
Mustafa Kemal, who was implementing his reforms, found a cooperative Afghanistan. Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period with the reforms of Amanullah Khan and civil war as part of European influence in Afghanistan. Afghan Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi, using Kemal Atatürk's domestic policy, encouraged the Amanullah Khan's interest in social and political reform but urged that it be gradually built upon the basis of a strong government. However, during the late 1920s Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective on 20 May 1928, when Amanullah Khan and the Queen were accepted by Mustafa Kemal in Istanbul. This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Mustafa Kemal supported Afghanistan's integration into international organizations. Afghanistan joined the League of Nations in 1934 and its relations with the international community gained a huge boost.[71] In 1937, King Zahir Shah became a signatory of the Treaty of Saadabad. Mahmud Tarzi received Mustafa Kemal's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul.
Mustafa Kemal and Reza Shah had a common approach to international politics, especially regarding British imperialism and its influence in the region. This climate created a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. During the Turkish war of independence, both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other.[72] The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to assure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.[73] The relations were strained after the abolishment of Caliphate, because the Iran's Shi'a clergy did not accept Kemal's position. The Iranian religious power centers perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy.[73] An admirer of Mustafa Kemal and close student of his reforms, Reza Shah followed same type of modernization efforts. By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's efforts had caused intense dissatisfaction to the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government.[74] Mustafa Kemal feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic society by Russia or Great Britain.[73] Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders, so Kemal. Reza Shah visited Mustafa Kemal in 1934. In 1935 the draft of what will be known as Saadabad Pact was paragraphed in Geneva but the signing of it was delayed because of border dispute between Iran and Iraq.
On 8 July 1937 Saadabad Pact was signed at Tehran by Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan. The signatories undertook to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest and to commit no aggression against one another’s territory. Treaty united common points between the Afghan King’s call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern Cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing the relations with the Turkey (a third force) that would help Iran free herself from Soviet and British influence, and Mustafa Kemal's foreign policy based on common interest to secure the stability in the region. The immediate outcome was to deter Mussolini from adventures in the region for Mustafa Kemal.[75] The pact did not survive too long. The pact died only four years after Kemal's death.
[edit] Turkish Straits
The Turkish Straits governed by the "Lausanne Straits Agreement." Lausanne Straits Agreement (24 July 1923) was a supplement to the Treaty of Lausanne. The straits were made open to commercial vessels, were demilitarized and seizure of foreign war vessels entering the Black Sea in peacetime was subjected to certain limitations, though not in war time. The fundamental principles of the Lausanne Straits Agreement was based on demilitarization of the straits zone and establishment of a straits commission. The demilitarized zone heavily restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the straits, which was linked to defense of Istanbul.
Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland in March 1936 gave Kemal the opportunity to resume full control over the straits. "The situation in Europe", Atatürk declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it"[76]. The foreign minister of the time was Tevfik Rüştü Aras. Aras initiated a move to revise the straits regime. The sides did not favor the unlimited military passage clause and all agreed to join to conference. Aras claimed that his initiation was directed by President, rather than Prime Minister (Ismet Inonu) of the government he belonged to. Inonu was worried on harming the relations between Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors. Atatürk gathered the best minds of the foreign office including the Cevat Açıkalın who was the secretary-general of the Turkish delegation that took part in the Montreux Straits Conference of 22 June - 20 July 1936. Atatürk demanded that the solution should leave the full protection of Istanbul, which can not be achieved without the full control over water ways, left to the Turkey. The Montreux Convention become the primary instrument, a legal cornerstone, that governs passage of the commercial and war vessels through the strait.
The Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Turkish Straits, signed with the participation of Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece on 20 July 1936, was ratified by the Turkish Parliament on 31 July 1936 and entered into force Nov. 9, 1936. The Montreux agreement is one of the multilateral treaties that has kept its importance and validity since its entrance into force.
[edit] Balkan Pact
Aligned with Mustafa Kemal's worldview; until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a modern neutral foreign policy with the west through developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. By the end of 1925 there were joint agreements with fifteen western states. The neutrality pact signed with the Soviet Union remained in effect until unilaterally abrogated by the Soviet Union in 1945.
From the early 1930s the changes and developments in the world required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Mustafa Kemal strongly believed that Balkan states could established a power which would have an important effect over European politics. If close cooperation based on the principle of equality could have been established. These states were ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries, they formed a powerful force. The Balkan Pact was negotiated with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. While the origins of signing a type of Balkan agreement may go as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came to being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments both in the Balkan Peninsula and in Europe helped the original idea to materialize. In inter-Balkan relations, improvements in the "Turkish-Greek alliance" and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia are worth mentioning. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack by another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in his relations with the European countries.[77] All of Atatürk’s hopes, desires and struggles were aimed at establishing a region of security and alliances in the west of Turkey and in the Balkan Europe, which would extend as far as Dobruja [78]
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. It was regarded as a big step forward in consolidating the free world's position in southeast Europe, although contained no specific military commitments. The importance of the agreement was best displayed on the message which Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas: "The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.[79]” It was signed by GNA on Feb 28 and a few days after the Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact become a reality on 18 May 1935, and lasted until 1940.
The Balkan Pact turned to be an ineffective organization for reasons that were beyond Atatürk’s control. He died on 1938. What he wanted to prevent with the Balkan Pact was realized by Bulgaria’s attempt to put the Dobruja issue into the agenda after a series of international events ended with Italian invasion of Albania on 7 April 1939. These conflicts spread rapidly, which sometimes represented as long series of conflicts of European Civil War, ending with World War Two. The goal of Atatürk, to protect southeast Europe, failed with the dissolution of the pact. Only state which arose intact after the war was Atatürk's Republic of Turkey.
[edit] Issue of Hatay
Inonu was very conscious of the foreign policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s Atatürk tried to get close to the England. The given risks of this policy change put these man on two different sides, only the Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played an important role in the severing of relations between Atatürk and Ismet.
In 1936 Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire named the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, in the midst of 1938 an election was conducted by the local legislative assembly and it was convoked. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.
[edit] Economic policies
- For the conceptual analysis see Economic reforms
Mustafa Kemal instigated economic policies not just to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (industrial bourgeoisie along the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.[80] Mustafa Kemal's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923 which was established before the signing of the Lausanne Treaty.
[edit] State intervention, 1923–1929
The initial choices of Mustafa Kemal's economic policies were a reflection of the realities of his period. After World War One, due to the lack of any real potential investors to open private sector factories and develop industrial production, Kemal's activities regarding the economy included the establishment of many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries. Mustafa Kemal and İsmet İnönü had a national vision in their pursuit of the state controlled economical polices. Kemal and İsmet wanted to knit the country together, eliminate the foreign control of the economy, and improve communications. Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, was deliberately abandoned and resources were channeled to other, relatively less developed cities, in order to establish a more balanced development throughout the country.[81]
For Mustafa Kemal, as for his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his policy in the pursuit of the economic independence. Turkish tobacco was an important industrial crop, where its cultivation and manufacture were French monopolies under capitulations of the Ottoman Empire. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies the "Regie Compagnie interessee des tabacs de l'empire Ottoman", and "Narquileh tobacco."[82] Ottoman Empire gave the tobacco monopoly to the Ottoman Bank as a limited company under "Council of the Public Debt". Reigie, as part of Council of the Public Debt, had the control over production, storing, distribution (including export) with an unchallenged price control and Turkish farmers were depended on the company for their livelihood.[83] In 1925, this company was taken over by the state and named as "Tekel." The second biggest industrial crop was cotton. Cotton planting during this period was promoted to furnish raw material for the new factory settlements in Turkey.[84] One of these factory settlements was in Nazilli. Nazilli beginning with the establishment of Cotton mills and then followed by the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli Calico print factory (1935)" become a major center.[85][86] The control of tobacco was the biggest achievement of the Kemalist political machinery's "nationalization" of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. They accompanied this achievement with the development of cotton related industry.
Atatürk considered the development of a national rail network as another important step for industrialization, and this was addressed by the foundation of the Turkish State Railways in 1927, setting up an extensive railway network in a very short time. The road network was 13,885 km ruined surface roads, and 4.450 km stabilized roads, and 94 bridges. This stayed the same until 1935. In 1927 Kemal ordered the integration of road construction goals into development plans. In 1935 a new entity was established under the government named "Sose ve Kopruler Reisligi" which will be the driving force of the new roads after the World War II. However, in 1937 total roads inside the boarders were 22,000 km which were mainly a system to aid the railways.
There was a growing and deeply rooted sentiment signaling the need for a truly national establishment and the birth of a banking system which was capable of the financing means to back up economic activities, managing funds accumulated as a result of policies providing savings incentives and where necessary extending resources which could trigger industrial impetus, as a result with the initiative of Kemal the first Turkish bank İş Bankası established in 1924. Kemal was the first member of İş Bankası. The Ottoman Bank's role during the initial years as a central bank remained, however it was extended on a temporary basis due to the Kemals's intention to establish Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey, which was realized in 1931. Along the İş Bankası, banks like Sümerbank (specialized in industrial agriculture products) and Etibank (specialized in mineral and related industries) were also founded during this period.
The national group who had Kemal as the leader developed many projects within the first decade of the republic, but the Turkish economy was based on agriculture, with primitive tools and methods; roads and transportation facilities were far from sufficient; and the management of the economy was inefficient. The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture.
[edit] The Great Depression, 1929–1931
The young republic like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the Great Depression: the country could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned; and zealous revenue officials seized the meager possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.[81] Mustafa Kemal had to face the same problems which all the countries faced: political upheaval.
The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was needed and Mustafa Kemal asked Ali Fethi Okyar to fulfill this need. The Liberal Republican Party came out with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and that state investment should be curtailed. Mustafa Kemal supported İnönü's point of view that "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development." However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention was replaced with moderate state intervention, which was not close to capitalism; but a form of state capitalism. One of Mustafa Kemal's radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu (from the Kadro (The Cadre) movement), claimed that Mustafa Kemal found a third way between capitalism and socialism in his Marxist journal.[87]
[edit] Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939
The first two of "five year economic plans" were performed under the supervision of Mustafa Kemal. However, with the death of Kemal and the rise of World War II changed the use of economic plans drastically. Governments from then on [death of Kemal] began to take measures which harmed the economic productivity in various ways.[88]
Mustafa Kemal had to deal with the turbulent economic issues with a "high debt" which was known as Ottoman public debt. Turkish private business can not acquire-exchange credits and it was impossible to integrate Turkish economy without a solution. Atatürk pursued a treaty signed in 1929 with the Ottoman Debt Council. While paying the Ottoman debt, Kemal's economic policies got recognition by the very first foreign borrowing credited from a private USA company amounting to 10 million dollars in 1930. This slowly followed with the replacement of previously isolated-economic policies to the integrated economic policies. At Atatürk's request, Celal Bayar became Minister of Economy and served from 1932 to 1937.[89] Celal Bayar was a liberal economist who was raised from small a business practice who became a major industrialized player of his time. During this period of mixed economy with private initiative, textile, sugar, paper and steel factories as well as many industrial establishments, power plants, banks [such as the Halk Bank], and insurance companies were established. On 25 October 1937 Mustafa Kemal appointed Celal Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached its peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France which signaled another turning point in the Turkish history.[88] It was the first step towards an alliance with the "West".[88] Celal Bayar continued to serve as prime minister when Atatürk died and İnönü became president in 1938. The differences of opinion with Inönü [state control] without the protection of Mustafa Kemal led Celal Bayar [liberal] to lay down his office on 25 January 1939.
The success of the 1930s due to early implementation of the economic system was an achievement credited to the national policies of the Mustafa Kemal and his team.[90] Atatürk supported the development of automobile industry that had not existed before. He did not just want to initiate an industry but an industry that would be a center to its region. The motto of the Turkish automobile association, as supplied by Atatürk, is, "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities."[91] Atatürk realized the important role of aviation, summing it up in the words, "the future lies in the skies".[92] Turkish Aeronautical Association was founded by the directive of Mustafa Kemal, in 1925.[93] Mustafa Kemal also ordered the establishment of Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery to found the projects. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes but the major part of its income transferred to establishment of a new factory. Kemal watched the first national aircraft (MMV-1) in 1932. Mustafa Kemal did not see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft build at the factory but soon after his death before the onset of World War Two, American Curtiss Hawk fighters were operational.
During 1935, Turkey was coming up as an industrial society on the Western European model with the guides set out by Atatürk.[94] In his death, most regions of Turkey had viable micro-economic stability and macro economic stability was in a viable state. The sign of sound economic policies were marked by the first-ever emergence of the local banks. However, the gap between Mustafa Kemal’s goals in his speeches and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country was not aligned.[94]
[edit] Personal life
Mustafa Kemal married Latife Uşaklıgil. They divorced after 3 years of marriage. Atatürk adopted seven daughters and a son. In his leisure time, he enjoyed reading, horseback riding, chess and swimming. He was also an avid dancer and enjoyed both the waltz and traditional Zeybek folk dances. Atatürk published many books and kept a personal journal. The "Nutuk," a thirty-six hour speech written and given by Mustafa Kemal to the Grand National Assembly over the course of six days that describes events leading to the formation of the Republic of Turkey, was first published in 1927 and then has been re-published several times.
During 1937, indications of Atatürk's worsening health started to appear. In the early 1938, while he was on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He was recommended to go to İstanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis of the liver.[95] During his stay in İstanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle for a while. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57. Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and seventeen countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed with armed detachments to the cortège.[96] On November 1953, Mustafa Kemal's remains were taken from the Ethnography Museum of Ankara.[97] Atatürk finally came to rest at his mausoleum, the Anıtkabir. In his will, he donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, bound to the condition that, through the yearly interest of his funds, his sister Makbule and his adopted children will be looked after, the higher education of the children of İsmet İnönü will be funded, and the Turkish Language Association and Turkish Historical Society will be given the rest.
[edit] Legacy
[edit] Peace at home, peace in the world
Mustafa Kemal said; "What particularly interests foreign policy is the internal organization of the state. It is necessary that foreign policy should agree with the internal organization." He eternalized this view with his famous motto "peace at home, peace in the world." He worked to establish his vision, which was evident in his funeral.[96] His foreign policy choices were not a random. The quest for peace in the region was an extension of the domestic needs of the newly established state; as the internal organization and stability of the young Turkish Republic depended on the application of this foreign policy.
Mustafa Kemal participated in forging close ties with the former enemy, Greece, culminating in a visit to Ankara by the Greek premier Eleftherios Venizelos, in 1932. Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize,[98] highlighting the mutual respect between the two leaders. He was visited in 1931 by General Douglas MacArthur of the United States, during which the two exchanged their views on the state of affairs in Europe which would eventually lead to the outbreak of World War II. MacArthur expressed his admiration of Atatürk on many occasions and stated that he "takes great pride in being one of Atatürk's loyal friends."[99]
Since its inception by Mustafa Kemal, "Peace at Home, Peace in the World" is the motto of "Republic of Turkey"
[edit] Turkey
His successor, İsmet İnönü, fostered a posthumous Atatürk personality cult which has survived to this day, even after Atatürk's own Republican People's Party lost power following democratic elections in 1950. Atatürk's face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey: his portrait can be seen in all public buildings, in schools, in all kinds of school books, on all Turkish banknotes, and in the homes of most Turkish families. Even after so many years, on 10 November, at 09:05 a.m. (the exact time of his death), almost all vehicles and people in the country's streets will pause for one minute in remembrance of Atatürk's memory.
He is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the Atatürk International Airport in Istanbul, Atatürk Bridge over the Golden Horn (Haliç), Atatürk Dam, Atatürk Stadium, and Anıtkabir, the mausoleum where he is now buried. Giant Atatürk statues loom over Istanbul and other Turkish cities, and practically any larger settlement has its own memorial to him. In 1981, the Turkish Parliament issued a law (5816) outlawing insults to his legacy or attacks to objects representing him.
[edit] Worldwide
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, the memory of Atatürk was honored by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial. . The Atatürk Memorial in Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk Memorial in the place of honour on ANZAC drive in Canberra, Australia; the Atatürk Forest in Israel; and the Atatürk Square in Rome, Italy, are only a few examples. He has roads named after him in several countries, like the Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India, Kemal Atatürk Avenue in Dhaka, Bangladesh, the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of Islamabad in Pakistan, and Mustafá Kemal Atatürk street in the central and upscale Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. His statues have been erected in numerous parks, streets and squares of many different countries in the world. The famous Madame Tussauds Museum in London has a wax statue of Atatürk. The entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel.
[edit] See also
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on Wikimedia Commons- Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on Wikimedia Commons
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on Wikiquote
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on Wikisource- The İş Bank commercial which first aired on 10 November 2007 during the 69th commemorations of Atatürk who was played by Haluk Bilginer
- The resolution on the Atatürk Centennial
[edit] Notes
- ^ Zürcher, Turkey : a modern history, 142
- ^ "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk". Turkish Embassy website. Retrieved on 2007-08-07.
- ^ a b Lengyel, They called him Atatürk, 68
- ^ Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 100
- ^ Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech on his arrival in Ankara in November 1919
- ^ Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey, 50
- ^ editorial staff. "A short history of AA". Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü. Retrieved on 2008-01-01. "Ikdam newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Mustafa Kemal Pasha was promoted as Chief Commander"
- ^ Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 365
- ^ Kinross, Atatürk, The Rebirth of a Nation, 373.
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 394
- ^ a b Mango, Atatürk, 367
- ^ Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 ISBN 0714684279
- ^ Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation, 245
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 391–392
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 362
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 362
- ^ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 252
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 501
- ^ a b c Koçak, Cemil (2005) 'Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925-1945)', European Journal of Turkish Studies
- ^ John O. Voll: Professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University http://www.nationalinterest.org/Article.aspx?id=13296
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 403
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 401
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 401
- ^ a b c d e Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., ISBN 1584776951 page 290-291
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 404
- ^ Eksi, Oktay (2008-04-16). "Paralardaki resimler", Hurriyet. Retrieved on 2008-04-24. "İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:
Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle 10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik..." - ^ a b c d e f g h i Wolf-Gazo, John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission, 15–42.
- ^ Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education. "Ataturk’s views on education" (in English). T.C. Government. Retrieved on 2007-11-20.
- ^ a b c İğdemir, Atatürk, 165–170
- ^ "Article: Atatürk, his wife and her biographer" (in English). Emrah Güler. Turkish Daily News (25 August 2006). Retrieved on 2007-09-29.
- ^ Quoted in Atatürkism, Volume 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.
- ^ Patrick Kinross, Atatürk, The Rebirth of a Nation, 397
- ^ a b c d e f Mango, Ataturk, 418
- ^ Weiker, Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925", 297–298
- ^ Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Ataturk and Reza Shah, I.B.Tauris, ISBN 1860644260, page 207
- ^ http://www.tsk.mil.tr/eng/Anitkabir/p24.html TSK Anitkabir sayfa 24
- ^ Atillasoy, Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic, 15
- ^ Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 164
- ^ Tüfekçi, Universality of Atatürk's philosophy
- ^ Kinross, Ataturk, The Rebirth of a Nation, p. 343
- ^ Özelli, The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic, 77–92
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 536
- ^ İnan, Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler, 260)
- ^ a b "About Us". Retrieved on 2008-02-01.
- ^ Saikal, Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges, 95
- ^ a b Geoffrey L. Lewis (1999), The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, Oxford University Press ISBN 0198238568 page 66
- ^ "Turks Teach New Theories", The New York Times (Istanbul), 1936-02-09
- ^ Laut (2002)
- ^ Ömür, Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women
- ^ Atatürk, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler
- ^ İnan, Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el yazıları
- ^ Paydak, Selda (January 2000). "Interview with Semiha Berksoy", Representation of the European Commission to Turkey. Retrieved on 2007-02-11. Archived from the original on 2003-04-18.
- ^ Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East, 181
- ^ Prof. Dr. Hamza Eroğlu. "Peace at home and peace in the world" (in Turkish). Retrieved on 2008-01-01. "“Yurtta Sulh” herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin tanınmasını ifade eder"."
- ^ Enver Ziya Karal. Atatürk’ten Düşünceler (in Turkish), 123. "“Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.”"
- ^ a b Peter Sluglett, "The Primacy of Oil in Britain’s Iraq Policy", in the book "Britain in Iraq: 1914-1932" London: Ithaca Press, 1976, pp. 103-116
- ^ Can Dundar. "Atatürk yaşasaydı" (in Turkish). Retrieved on 2008-01-01. "Prof. Aybars, daha sonra Afet İnan'ın kendisine aktardığı anılardan yola çıkarak Ata'nın öncelikli dış politika sorununun Musul olduğunu söylüyor. Musul'u bırakmama konusunda aktif bir politika izlenmesinden yana olduğunu belirtiyor."
- ^ Harold Courtenay Armstrong Gray Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator. page 225
- ^ Olson, Robert W. (1989) The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925, p.45
- ^ Kinross, 401
- ^ ASD: Speeches and statements by Ataturk, volume I pages 361-363 published by Atatuk Culture, language and history Higher Institude, Ankara 1989
- ^ Andrew Mango, Atatürk and the Kurds, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.35, No.4, 1999, 20
- ^ a b c Yılmaz Altuğ, Foreign Policy Of Atatürk, Ataturk arastirma merkezi dergisi, Vol VI, No 16, November 1989
- ^ Yılmaz Altuğ, Türk Devrim Tarihi Dersim, 1919-1938, 1980 s. p. 136.
- ^ a b "Oh, What Happiness!", Time Magazine (November 6, 1933), pp. 37–39. Retrieved on 2007-08-07.
- ^ QUOTES ON ATATÜRK
- ^ Karamanlis, 1995, p. 95-97
- ^ Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 29
- ^ Clogg, Richard (2002). A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521004799. p. 107
- ^ Jentleson, Bruce W.; Paterson, Thomas G. (1997). The American Journal of International Law. Oxford University Press, 24. ISBN 0195110552.
- ^ NARLI, Nilüfer (1993): “Turco-Iranian Relations from the Islamic Revolution to Gulf War and Beyond: Co-operation or Competition in the Muslim World”. CEMOTI. (15): 265-295
- ^ a b c Gokhan Cetinsaya Essential friends and natural enemies: the historical roots of Turkish-Iranian relations. Middle East Review of International Affairs Volume 7, No. 3 - September 2003
- ^ Rajaee, Farhang, Islamic Values and World View: Farhang Khomeyni on Man, the State and International Politics, Volume XIII (PDF), University Press of America. ISBN 0-8191-3578-X
- ^ Mango, Ataturk, page 510
- ^ Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 493
- ^ Yilmaz Altuð, "Atatürk'ün Dis Politikasý," B.Ü. Uluslararasi Atatürk Konferansý Tebligleri, 10-11 November 1980, Vol. II, Istanbul 1981, p. 486.
- ^ Þevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam, Vol. 3, Ýstanbul 1988, p. 331.
- ^ Atatürk'ün Milli Dýþ Politikasý, Vol. 2, p. 355
- ^ Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 347–357
- ^ a b Mango, Atatürk, 470
- ^ Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 232–233.
- ^ Aysu, Abdullah (2003-01-29). "Tütün, İçki ve Tekel" (in Turkish), BİA Haber Merkezi. Retrieved on 2007-10-10.
- ^ Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: Social Process in the Turkish Reformation, 260
- ^ Doğan, Formation of factory settlements within Turkish industrialization and modernization in 1930s: Nazilli printing factory
- ^ Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. "Aydın—Historical Ruins". T.C. Government. Retrieved on 2007. "Nazilli cotton print factory was established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the "first Turkish cotton print factory" the foundation of which was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony."
- ^ Mango, Atatürk, 478
- ^ a b c Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939
- ^ Dilek Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies p. 61
- ^ Emrence, Turkey in economic crisis (1927–1930): a panaromic vision. Journal Middle Eastern Studies
- ^ Stone, Norman “Talking Turkey”. National Interest, Fall2000, Issue 61.
- ^ "Skylife". Retrieved on 2007-11-26.
- ^ "History of Turkish Aeronautical Association". Retrieved on 2007-11-26.
- ^ a b Eastham, The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years, 132–136
- ^ "Kemal Atatürk". NNDB. Retrieved on 2007-08-07.
- ^ a b Mango, Atatürk 526
- ^ "The Burial of Atatürk", Time Magazine (23 November 1953), pp. 37–39. Retrieved on 2007-08-07.
- ^ Nobel Foundation. The Nomination Database for the Nobel Prize in Peace, 1901–1955.[1]
- ^ Handnote by General Douglas MacArthur on display at Anıtkabir
[edit] References
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| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by founded |
Prime Minister of Turkey 25 April 1920–24 January 1921 |
Succeeded by Fevzi Çakmak |
| Preceded by founded |
Speaker of the Parliament of Turkey 24 April 1920–29 October 1923 |
Succeeded by Ali Fethi Okyar |
| Preceded by founded |
President of Turkey 29 October 1923–10 November 1938 |
Succeeded by İsmet İnönü |
| Party political offices | ||
| Preceded by founded |
Leader of the Republican People's Party 9 September 1923–10 November 1938 |
Succeeded by İsmet İnönü |
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| Persondata | |
|---|---|
| NAME | Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal |
| ALTERNATIVE NAMES | Pasha, Gazi Mustafa Kemal (former name) |
| SHORT DESCRIPTION | Turkish officer and statesman |
| DATE OF BIRTH | 1881 |
| PLACE OF BIRTH | Selânik (Thessaloniki) |
| DATE OF DEATH | 10 November 1938 |
| PLACE OF DEATH | Dolmabahçe Palace, Istanbul |
