Korean nationalism

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Korean nationalism
Hangul 한국민족주의 (조선민족주의 in North-Korea)
Hanja 韓國民族主義 (朝鮮民族主義)
Revised Romanization Hanguk minjokjuui (Joseon minjokjuui)
McCune–Reischauer Han'guk minjokchuŭi (Chosŏn minjokchuŭi)

Korean nationalism refers to nationalism among the Korean people. In the Korean context, this encompasses movements throughout history to maintain the Korean cultural identity, history, and sovereignty in the face of foreign hegemony.

Contents

[edit] History

Historically, the central objectives of Korea's nationalist movement were the advancement and protection of Korea's ancient culture and national identity from foreign influence, and the fostering of the independence movement during the Japanese occupation.[1][2]. In order to obtain political and cultural autonomy, it first had to promote Korea's cultural independence. For this reason, the nationalist movement demanded the restoration and preservation of Korea's traditional culture.[3][4] The Donghak (Eastern Learning) peasant movement, also known as the Donghak Peasant Revolution, that began in the 1870s, could be seen as an early form of what would become the Korean national liberation movement. It was succeeded by the Righteous army movement and later a series of Korean independence movements that led, in part, to the current status of the two Korean nations.

[edit] Independence

Nationalism in Korea is a form of resistance, but with significant differences between the north and south. Since the intrusion by foreign powers in the late 19th century, Koreans have had to construct their identity in ways that pitted them against foreigners. They have witnessed and participated in a wide range of nationalist actions over the past century, but all of them have been some form of resistance. During the Japanese occupation of Korea, the Korean nationalists carried on the struggle for independence, fighting against Japan in Korea, China (Manchuria and China Proper) and Russia. They formed 'governments in exile', armies, and secret groups to fight the Japanese invaders.

[edit] Division

Korea was divided at the 38th parallel between north and south by the Allied powers in 1945 as part of the disarmament of Japan, and the division persists to this day. From 1945 through 1950, the global and ideological aspirations of the United States and the Soviet Union collided in a Korea that itself had social and political divisions. This set the stage for the rise of two different polities, the division of the nation, and the beginning of rival national identities. The split is perpetuated by rival regimes, opposing ideologies, and global politics; it is further deepened by a differing sense of national identity derived from the unique histories, polities, class systems, and gender roles experienced by Koreans on different sides of the border. As a result, Korean nationalism in the late 20th century has been permeated by the split between North and South. Each regime espouses its own distinctive form of nationalism, different from the opposing side's, that nonetheless seeks to encompass the entire Korean peninsula in its scope.

[edit] Yearn for unity

Korean reunification (Korean: 조국통일 refers to the hypothetical future reunification of North Korea and South Korea under a single government. South Korea had adopted a sunshine policy towards the North that was based on the hope that one day, the two countries would be re-united. The process towards this was started by the historic June 15th North-South Joint Declaration in August 2000, where the two countries agreed to work towards a peaceful reunification in the future. However, there are a number of hurdles in this process due to the large political and economic differences between the two countries and other state actors such as China, Russia, the United States and Japan. Short-term problems such as a large number of refugees from the North migrating into the South and initial economic and political instability would need to be overcome. Long-term problems such as cultural differences, contrasting political ideologies and possible discrimination will also need to be resolved. For the process of its "inner reunification" Korea may be able to turn to Germany, who faced a similar challenge after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

[edit] Nationalism in Koreas

[edit] North Korea

In North Korea, nationalism is incorporated as part of the state-sponsored ideology of Juche. The Juche Idea (Korean pronunciation: [tɕutɕʰe] approximately "joo-cheh") teaches that "man is the master of everything and decides everything," and that the Korean people are the masters of Korea's revolution. Juche is a component of Kimilsungism, North Korea's political system.[5] The word literally means "main body" or "subject"; it has also been translated in North Korean sources as "independent stand" and the "spirit of self-reliance".

The Juche Idea gradually emerged as a systematic ideological doctrine under the political pressures of the Sino-Soviet split in the 1960s. Kim Il-sung outlined the three fundamental principles of Juche as being:

  1. "independence in politics" (chaju)
  2. "self-sustenance in the economy" (charip)
  3. "self-defense in national defense" (chawi).

[edit] South Korea

While nationalistic theory and practice during the colonial era and the First Republic of South Korea were class-based and movement specific forces, in the South Korea of recent times (1990s onward) a more broad-based (including middle-income classes) sentiment has developed in the national ethos, the so called "New Nationalism." Two ideologies drive the new nationalism: the old national liberation movement logic of anti-imperialism on the one hand, and a state-worshipping ideology introduced by the Park Jung-Hee regime and embodied in its pledge of National Allegiance (국민교육헌장), on the other hand.

The buzzword for this new breed of ideology is "national interests" (국익), in whose name the power of Korean feminist and queer movements, organized labor, and pro-migrant coalitions are being bent down.

The "New" South Korean nationalism drives public policy and has been a powerful controlling force upon the Korean polity since 2004. It has had a coercive power to raise national consensus on such divisive issues as the South Korea's participation in the War on Iraq, strengthened gestures for sovereignty in the face of a unilateral military alliance with the United States, confrontations with China and Japan over territorial issues, and so forth.

[edit] Issues after Japanese colonialism

The legacy of the Japanese occupation of Korea continues to fuel recriminations and demands for restitution in both Koreas. North and South Korea have both lodged severe protests against visits by Japanese officials to the Yasukuni shrine, which is seen as glorifying the Class A war criminals whose remains are held there. The use of Korean comfort women as prostitutes during World War II is a persistent thorn in the side of Japan-Korea relations, and disagreements over demands for reparations and a formal apology remain unresolved. Recent Japanese history textbook controversies have emerged as a result of what some see as an attempt at historical revisionism with the aim of whitewashing or ignoring Japan's war crimes during World War II. These issues continue to separate the two countries diplomatically, and provide fuel for nationalism in both Koreas as well as anti-Japanese sentiment.

[edit] Liancourt Rocks dispute

The Liancourt Rocks dispute has been ongoing since the end of World War II as the United States did not give sovereignty of the islands to either country. Since 1954, the South Koreans have controlled the islands but bickering on both sides involving nationalism, right-wing groups and lingering historical acrimony has led into the impasse.

In 1994, the two countries began to set their new maritime boundaries, particularly in overlapping terrain in the Sea of Japan (East Sea), where some exclusive economic zone (EEZ) borders was less than 400 nautical miles (700 km) apart.[6] Tensions escalated in 1996 when both governments declared a 200-nautical-mile (400 km) EEZ that encompassed the island, which brought Japan-South Korean relations to an all-time low.

This has not only complicated bilateral relations but heightened nationalist sentiments on both sides. Despite generational change and the passage of time, the institutionalization of Korean collective memory is causing young Koreans to be as anti-Japanese, if not more so, than the older generation.[7] Due to Japanese invasions of Korea in the 20th century, Koreans see that guarding the island is equivalent to guarding the nationhood and identity. [8][6]

In 2006, President Roh Moo-hyun reiterated , “The island is our land” and “for Koreans, the island is a symbol of the complete recovery of sovereignty.”[9]Roh later further linked the Yasukuni Shrine and Japanese history textbook controversy, saying that they will be dealt with together.

According to a recent survey by Gallup Korea and the Japan Research Center in 2007, 20% of Koreans had friendly feelings towards Japan and 36% of Japanese the same towards Korea. When asked for the reason of their antipathy, most Koreans mentioned the territorial dispute over the island, and the Japanese the anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea. This is in contrast to a 2002 survey (post 2002 FIFA World Cup) conducted by the Chosun Ilbo and Mainichi Shimbun, where 35% of Koreans and 69% of Japanese had friendly views of the other country.[10] [2]

[edit] Anti-American sentiment

Anti-Americanism in Korea began with the earliest contact between the two nations and continued after the division of Korea. In both North Korea and South Korea, anti-Americanism after the Korean War has focused on the presence and behavior of American military personnel (USFK), aggravated especially by high-profile accidents or crimes by U.S. servicemembers, with various crimes including rape and assault, among others. The 2002 Yangju highway incident especially ignited Anti-American passions.[11] The on-going U.S. military presence in South Korea, especially at Yongsan Garrison (on a base previously used by the Imperial Japanese Army from 1910-1945) in central Seoul, remains a contentious issue. While protests have arisen over specific incidents, they are often reflective of deeper historical resentments. Robert Hathaway, director of the Wilson Center's Asia program, suggests: "the growth of anti-American sentiment in both Japan and South Korea must be seen not simply as a response to American policies and actions, but as reflective of deeper domestic trends and developments within these Asian countries."[12] Korean anti-Americanism after the war was fueled by American occupation and support for authoritarian rule, a fact still evident during the country's democratic transition in the 1980s.[13] Speaking to the Wilson Center, Katherine Moon notes that while the majority of South Koreans support the American alliance "anti-Americanism also represents the collective venting of accumulated grievances that in many instances have lain hidden for decades."[12]

[edit] Ethnic nationalism

Ethnic nationalism emphasizes descent and race. Among some Koreans, ethnicity is interpreted with blood being the key determinant in defining "Koreanness".[14] A survey conducted around 2006 showed that 68.2% of respondents considered "blood" the most important criterion of defining the Korean nation, and 74.9% agreed that "Koreans are all brothers and sisters regardless of residence and ideology."[14] This viewpoint implies that North Koreans and overseas Koreans are to be included in this "Korean" group.

[edit] Pure blood theory

The pure blood theory is ascribed to Nazism ideology and adopted by Japanese colonialists to assimilate Korea and promote racial supremacy.

During the period of resistance to Japanese and after independence, the pure blood theory, a notion that Korean people are the purest race of a single ancestor, took its root and gave Korean an impetus to the national pride[15], racial supremacy, strong sense of ethnic homogeneity, nationalism[16]

The Korean ideology of purest race was introduced in the early 20th century when Japanese annexed the Korean peninsula and launched a Nazism-influenced campaign to persuade them that they were of the same pure racial stock and justified the colonization policy.[16][17].

In resistance, Shin Chaeho published his influential book Joseon Sanggosa in 1920s, proclaiming that Koreans are descendants of Dangun Joseon, who merged with Buyo of Manchuria to form the Goguryeo people and hence raised a strong sense of ethic homogeneity which continues to play as a key resource in Korean politics and foreign relations.[16] A survey in 2006[14] showed that 68.2% of respondents considered "blood" the most important criterion of defining the Korean nation, and 74.9% agreed that "Koreans are all brothers and sisters regardless of residence and ideology."[14].

[edit] Reconstructed history

Since Shin Chaeho published his influential book Joseon Sanggosa in 1920s, Korea has tried to develop Koreanness through restructuring its traditional history but it often led into controversial fantasies.

Shin Chaeho(1880–1936) was the first Korean historian to emphasize the ancientness of the Korean nation, elevated the status of the mythical figure, Dangun

A controversial internet article, filed under the name Sukgeun Jung was widely spread since 2002 onwards[18], claiming that Korean invented Chinese Characters.[19] [20] Another Korean documentary[21] suggests that Korean terrority 10,000 years ago ruled 12 countries including modern day Korea, Japan, China, Vietnam and even Iraq. [21] The documentary also asserts that "the Sumerian tribe who established the Mesopotamian civiilzation was the Korean race."[21]

These claims are often regarded as fictional even in Korea, but North Korea announced in 1993 a controversial discovery of Mausoleum of Dangun, the tomb of legendary Korean genitor and extending time span of the Korean history to a few millenniums more. Despite controversy over archeology and North Korea's rejection for individual investigations, in 2007, the South Korean government echoed the claim by including this mythical history into a high school history textbook, declaring the first Korean dynasty was found in 2333BC.[22].

[edit] Sport Fervor

The 2002 World Cup, hosted in South Korea and Japan, saw the South Korean team earn the unprecedented victory over such traditional soccer powerhouses as Portugal, Italy, and Spain, before finally succumbing to Germany in the semifinals. The success was heralded by fervor display of Korean pride: seven million Korean fans, affectionately called "Red Devils", poured out onto the streets to watch the games outdoor.[23] After South Korea defeated Spain in the quarterfinals, South Korean President and Nobel Prize winner Kim Dae Jung stated that it was Korea’s happiest day since Dangun, the legendary founder of Korea.[24] It also resulted in tragedy when a man lit himself on fire because he wanted to be the 12th member as a ghost to help the team compete with the Latin American and European teams.[25]

In overseas Korean communities, over 20,000 Korean-Americans filled the Staples Center in Los Angeles at 4:30am to cheer the team.[24]Kwon Pyonghyon, chairman of the Overseas Koreans Foundation,[3] said, "5.6 million overseas Koreans was to arouse their pride in being Korean and to bond with one another beyond differences."[24]

At the time, tensions between South and North Korea were high following a naval battle that sank a South Korean patrol boat, killing four and injuring 19. However, North Korea’s Football Association sent a congratulatory letter to South Korea’s Korea Football Association.[26]Some observers said that the unity was wrapped up in a sense of national pride, identity, and confidence.[24]

[edit] Collective guilt

Ethnic nationalism also explains why the Virginia Tech massacre elicited such a strong response from the Korean community both in the United States and South Korea. “In Korea, one can argue that nationalism based on common blood and shared ancestry has functioned as a key mechanism to establish collectivism or a strong sense of oneness.”[24] Although Seung-Hui Cho was a 1.5 generation immigrant who came to the U.S. as a third grader and was a permanent resident of the U.S., he was still a "Korean" due to his blood and thus caused South Koreans to collectively mourn and feel guilt.[27]

There was an outpouring of grief among South Koreans as they grappled to understand how a "Korean" could have committed such a massacre. President Roh Moo-hyun issued several official apologies and condolences, candlelight vigils were held at the U.S. Embassy in Seoul, and Korean Ambassador to the U.S. Lee Tae-Sik called on Korean-Americans to hold a 32-day fast for each of the victims of the shooting. A Korean professor criticized this behavior, saying that "We need to stop going on about bloodlines and how great the "Korean race" is while getting so excited with joy or sorrow at the successes and failures of overseas Koreans."[28][4]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ http://www2.kokugakuin.ac.jp/ijcc/wp/cimac/ryu.html
  2. ^ http://www.lifeinkorea.com/information/history2.cfm
  3. ^ http://www.stanford.edu/group/hwimori/culture_of_resistance.htm
  4. ^ http://news.newamericamedia.org/news/view_article.html?article_id=a6de59e74e5c612b2e8089c0375e34c5
  5. ^ Choi, Go-kwan (2002-11-26). "Kimilsungism and Kimjongilism: Other North Korean Terms for Juche Ideology". Koreascope. http://www.koreascope.com/gnuboard/bbs/board.php?bo_table=resource_eng_studies&wr_id=21&page=79. Retrieved 2007-08-03. 
  6. ^ a b Min Gyo Koo. "Economic Dependence and the Liancourt Rocks Dispute Between South Korea and Japan." Harvard Asia Quarterly. Vol. 9, No. 4. Fall 2005.
  7. ^ Berger, Thomas U. “Of Shrines and Hooligans: The Structure of the History Problem in East Asia after 9/11.” Paper presented at the East Asian Seminar, Boston University, October 28, 2005.
  8. ^ Wang, Jianwei. "Territorial Disputes and Asian Security," in Asian Security, ed. Muthiah Alagappa (California: Stanford University Press, 2003), 391.
  9. ^ Office of the President. “Special Message by President Roh Moo-hyun on Korea-Japan Relations.” (April 25, 2006). www.korean.net/news.
  10. ^ "Friendliness Between Japan and Korea Withering." Chosun Ilbo. May 17, 2007.
  11. ^ "Road deaths ignite Korean anti-Americanism". International Herald Tribune. August 1, 2002. http://www.iht.com/articles/2002/08/01/kor_ed1_.php. Retrieved 2008-04-11. 
  12. ^ a b The Making of "Anti-American" Sentiment in Korea and Japan, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, May 6, 2003, http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=events.event_summary&event_id=27212, retrieved 2007-12-05 
  13. ^ Kristof, Nicholas D. (July 12, 1987). "Anti-Americanism Grows in South Korea". New York Times. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B0DE7D6113FF931A25754C0A961948260. Retrieved 2008-04-11. 
  14. ^ a b c d Larsen, Kirk. "Visions and Versions of Korean Nationalism and the ROK's Relations with its Neighbors." Presented at U.S.-Korea Relations in the 21st Century Challenges and Prospects, Washington, D.C. October 6–8, 2006.
  15. ^ South Korea Guidebook, 7th Edition, Lonely Planet, April 2007, page 46
  16. ^ a b c Ethnic pride source of prejudice, discrimination, Gi-Wook Shin, Assia-Pacific Research Center of Stanford University, 2 August 2006
  17. ^ North Korea's official propaganda promotes idea of racial purity and moral superiority, UC Berkeley News, 19 February 2010
  18. ^ Korean invented Chinese characters?, “Internet centrist” on Sparkling Korea, 16 May 2007
  19. ^ [http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.korean/browse_thread/thread/e687aa8a20778e61/82cf8713e5c406e9?lnk=st&q&rnum=102&hl=ja&pli=1
  20. ^ [http://news.naver.com/news/read.php?mode=LSD&office_id=042&article_id=0000002672&section_id=100&menu_id=100 한·중 역사전쟁 고구려를 넘보지 말라], Naver.com, 2004-08-18 15:20
  21. ^ a b c History Special: The Handan Chronicle, retrieved from youtube
  22. ^ New Textbook Stirs Debate Over Kojoson, The Korean Times, 23 Feb 2007
  23. ^ "South Korea's World Cup dream is over, but the party goes on". The Guardian (London). June 26, 2002. http://football.guardian.co.uk/worldcup2002/countries/story/0,11936,744115,00.html. 
  24. ^ a b c d e Gi-Wook Shin. "Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy." (California: Stanford University Press, 2006).
  25. ^ "CNNSI.com - CNNSI.com's complete coverage of the FIFA World Cup - South Korean fan in World Cup suicide - Friday June 14, 2002 05:26 AM". CNN. http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/soccer/world/2002/world_cup/news/2002/06/14/korea_suicide_rb/. 
  26. ^ "CNNSI.com - CNNSI.com's complete coverage of the FIFA World Cup - North Korea congratulates Seoul on Cup success - Monday July 01, 2002 11:42 AM". CNN. http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/soccer/world/2002/world_cup/news/2002/07/01/koreas_ap/. 
  27. ^ Kim Sae-jung. "South Korean's Reaction to the Virginia Tech Massacre." April 19, 2007. [1]
  28. ^ Choe Hyun. "Seung-hui Choi and Hines Ward." The Hankyoreh. April 23, 2007.

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