Biblical Hebrew

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Biblical Hebrew, also called Classical Hebrew, is the archaic form of the Hebrew language in which the Hebrew Bible and various Israelite inscriptions were written.

It is not spoken in its pure form today, although it is often studied by Jews, Christian theologians, linguists, and Israeli archaeologists to help them gain a deeper understanding of the Hebrew Bible and Semitic philology. Classical Hebrew is also generally taught in public schools in Israel.

Biblical Hebrew and modern Hebrew differ with respect to grammar, vocabulary, and phonology. Although Modern and Biblical Hebrew's grammatical rules often differ, Biblical Hebrew is sometimes used in Modern Hebrew literature, much as archaic and Biblical constructions are used in Modern English literature.

Note, the term 'Biblical Hebrew' can sometimes refer to a different dialect, a Medieval Hebrew dialect that the Masoretes used when adding vowel-points (nikkudot) to the biblical text, to preserve traditional chanting. This Medieval dialect is also known as 'Masoretic Hebrew' or 'Tiberian Hebrew', after Tverya their town of residence in northern Israel. See Tiberian vocalization and Medieval Hebrew.

Contents

[edit] Definition

This article describes the Biblical dialects of Hebrew. These flourished between the 12th and 6th centuries BC and comprise all of the Hebrew Bible with the exception of several Aramaic sections and isolated loanwords.

Hebrew (עִבְרִית ‛iḇrīṯ, modern pronunciation ivrit) comes from the Hebrew for "to pass over" (root עבר, e.g. לְעַבָר lə‘ăvār "to pass over", עֵבֶר ‛ēvẹr "yonder (side)"). This is most likely a reference to the Hebrews being the ones who "passed over" the Jordan River.

The precise meaning of the term Biblical Hebrew varies with context and may refer to any of the following:

From a linguistic point of view, the Classical Hebrew language is usually divided into two periods: Biblical Hebrew, and Roman Era Hebrew, having very distinct grammatical patterns.

Biblical Hebrew is further divided into the so called 'Golden Age' Hebrew (before 500 BCE) and 'Silver Age' Hebrew (500 BCE to 60 BCE). Silver Age Hebrew has many borrowings from Aramaic, for example the use of the conditional particle ˈilluː (אִלּוּ) replacing luː (לוּ). Another shibboleth between the two is the use of the relative pronoun {əsher} (אֲשֶר) (introducing a Restrictive clause, 'that') in the earlier period, being replaced with the clitic ʃe- (-שֶ) in the later, both being used in Mishnaic and Modern Hebrew.

Roman Era Hebrew, or Mishnaic Hebrew, was further influenced by Greek and Persian, mainly through the dialect of Aramaic which was the Lingua franca of the area at the time.

Modern adaptions of Classical Hebrew are in active use today, mostly in the form of various modern Jewish dialects of Hebrew, as well as Samaritan Hebrew language, which is used primarily by the Samaritans.

As Biblical-Hebrew vocalization is derived from the Masoretic system applied to ancient texts, Biblical Hebrew is somewhat a mixture of these elements. It is the mixed language that is discussed in this article.

Most words in Biblical Hebrew are derived from a three "letter" root ("letter" here refers to the consonantal portion of basic words-a better way of looking at the Hebrew word is as a construction of three syllables, each beginning with a consonant and where certain syllables may have "null" vowels) usually a verb form given in the Qal perfect 3rd masculine singular form. There are exceptions to this rule though most of these are loan words from non-Semitic roots. For most English speaking readers who use the Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon it is this three letter root word that must be looked up to find a definition.

The standard Hebrew Text for scholarly study is the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, edited by Rudolf Kittel.

[edit] Descendant languages

[edit] Phonology

This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters.

The phonology as reconstructed for Biblical Hebrew is as follows:

[edit] Consonants

Name Letter Phoneme and Allophone (IPA)
’ālep ('ox') א [ʔ]
bēṯ ('house') ב [b] ~ [v] allophonically1
gîmel ('camel') ג [ɡ] ~ [ɣ] allophonically1
dāleṯ ('door') ד [d] ~ [ð] allophonically1
('open window') ה [h], null at the end of words.2
wāw ('nail') ו [w], null after /o/ or /u/ 2
zayin ('weapon') ז [z]
ḥēṯ ('fence') ח [ħ], ([χ]3)
ṭēṯ ('snake') ט []
yōḏ ('hand') י [j], null after /ɛ/, /e/, or /i/2
kap' ('palm of hand') כ, ך [k] ~ [x] allophonically1
lāmeḏ ('cattle goad') ל [l]
mēm ('water') מ, ם [m]
nûn ('fish') נ, ן [n]
sāmeḵ ('prop') ס [s]
ʿayin ('eye') ע [ʕ], ([ɣ]3)
('mouth') פ, ף [p] ~ [f] allophonically1
ṣāḏē ('fish hook') צ, ץ []
p ('back of head') ק [] (or [q])
rēš ('head') ר [r] (trilled like in Arabic)
śîn/šîn ('teeth') ש [ɬ], [ʃ]
tāw ('cross') ת [t] ~ [θ] allophonically1
  1. Begedkefet spirantization developed sometime during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew under the influence of Aramaic.[1] Its terminus post quem can be found by noting that the Old Aramaic phonemes /θ, ð/ disappeared in the 7th century BC.[2] Its terminus ante quem in Hebrew is the 2nd century CE.[3] It is unclear whether they should be considered allophones or separate phonemes, since after a certain development of schwa minimal pairs became theoretically possible (if almost unattested).[4]
  2. mater lectionis
  3. These merged with /ħ, ʕ/ respectively at some stage, but from Greek transcriptions it is clear that they were distinguished at some point in the life of Classical Hebrew (e.g. Gaza vs. Ezra). It is unlikely that this merger occurred after begedkefet spirantization, or else /x, χ/ and /ɣ, ʁ/ would have to be contrastive, which is cross-linguistically rare.

[edit] Vowels

The original Hebrew alphabet consisted only of consonants and vowel letters (see Semitic languages). The vowel signs and pronunciation (known as vowel pointings) currently accepted for Biblical Hebrew were created by scholars known as Masoretes after the 5th century AD and are known as Tiberian vocalization. These scholars are thought also to have standardized various dialectal differences.[5]

However, it is questioned that Classical Hebrew's vowel inventory was not identical to that notated by the Masoretes. For instance, /e/ and /ē/ were both indicated with a tzeire in the Masoretic text, but in Greek transcription (LXX, Origen, etc.) are written with epsilon and eta respectively. There are indications of possible support by etymological and internal[clarification needed] data.[6]

[edit] Grammar

Biblical Hebrew grammar is largely identical to Modern Hebrew. The language has a typical Semitic morphology characterized by consonantal, usually triliteral roots and a system of verb stem derivations expressing meanings such as causativity, intensity, reflexivity and passive voice; it has no grammatical case and no broken plurals; and it has morphological expression of definiteness. Nonetheless, Biblical Hebrew grammar differs from Modern Hebrew in a few respects: whereas most Biblical Hebrew constructions are also permissible in Modern Hebrew at least in formal, literary, archaic or poetic style, the opposite is not always the case. Some examples of differences are:

[edit] Historical sound changes

[edit] Consonantism

As Biblical Hebrew (BH) evolved from Proto-Semitic (PS) it underwent a number of mergers,[13][14][15]:

1) Greek transcriptions[16] provide evidence that Biblical Hebrew maintained the proto-Semitic consonants /ɣ/, /x/ for longer than the writing system might suggest. Thus ʿǍmōrāh (עֲמוֹרָה) is transcribed as Gómorrha (Γόμορρα) in Greek, whereas ʿĒḇer (עֵבֶר) is transcribed as Éber (Ἔβερ) with no intrusive g; since comparative Semitic evidence shows that proto-Semitic */ɣ/ and */ʕ/ both became ʿayin (ע) in later Hebrew, this suggests that the distinction was still maintained in Classical times. Similarly Raḥēl (רָחֵל) is transcribed as Rhakhḗl (Ῥαχήλ), whereas Yiṣḥāq (יִצְחָק) becomes Isaák (Ἰσαάκ).

[edit] Vocalism

in word-final position regularly > /ɛː/
in an open syllable before a following */oː/ > BH /iː/
before or after א ה ח ע > /a/ ("ḥāṭēp̄ pátaḥ") or, if the adjacent syllable has /e, ɛ/ or /o, ɔ/, /ɛ/ ("ḥāṭēp̄ seḡōl") and / ɔ/ ("ḥāṭēp̄ qāmeṣ") respectively;
in verbs also in the second syllable of the word if the following syllable is stressed;
in nouns in the second syllable of status constructus > /ə/ (the consonant carrying the šeəwa is marked with "dāḡēš dirimens" or the following consonant is fricative, indicating that it was preceded by a vowel).
immediately before the stress > /aː/ (”qāmeṣ antetonicum”);
in closed syllables > /i/
in closed syllables in verbal forms > /e, o/ or, before ה ח ע, /a/;
in syllables that were closed already in Proto-Semitic > /a/ ("Philippi's law")
immediately before the stress > /eː/ ("ṣērē antetonicum")
in closed syllables > /ɔ/ ("qāmeṣ qāṭān") or, before a geminated consonant, /u/
*/-a-huː/ > /-oː/
*/-a-haː/ > /-aː/
*/-a-hɛm/ > /-aːm/
*/-eː-hɛm/ > /-eːm/
*/-iː-huː/ > /-iːw/
*/-iː-hɛm/ > /-iːm/
*/-uː-hɛm/ > /-uːm/
*/-ay-huː/ > /-aːw/

[edit] See also

[edit] Resources

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Or perhaps Hurrian, but this is unlikely, c.f. Dolgoposky 1999, pp. 72-73.
  2. ^ Dolsopolsky 1999, p. 72.
  3. ^ Dolgopolsky 1999, p. 73.
  4. ^ Dolgopolsky 1999, p. 74.
  5. ^ "Hebrew Language". Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2008. 2008. http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761553185/hebrew_language.html. Retrieved 2006-05-23. 
  6. ^ Dolgopolsky 1999, p. 14.
  7. ^ Zuckermann, G. Complement Clause Types in Israeli. In Complementation: a cross-linguistic typology. Ed. R.M.W.Dixon, A.I.Aĭkhenvalʹd. P.74
  8. ^ Rosén, H. Israel Language Policy and Linguistics. In Ariel vol. 25 (1969) Pp. 48-63 [1]
  9. ^ a b Glinert, Lewis. 2004. The Grammar of Modern Hebrew. P.52.
  10. ^ Blau, Joshua. 1981. The renaissance of modern Hebrew and modern standard Arabic. P.153-154
  11. ^ Davis, Craig. 2007. Dating the Old Testament. P.536
  12. ^ [2]
  13. ^ S. Moscati et al. (1964). An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, Phonology and Morphology. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 
  14. ^ G. Bergsträsser. (1983). Introduction to the Semitic Languages. Translated by Peter T. Daniels. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns.
  15. ^ Dolgopolsky 1999, pp. 57-59.
  16. ^ see also "Various names in Hebrew and Greek"PDF (59.9 KB)
  1. ISBN 1-56563-206-0 Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon by Francis Brown, S. Driver, C. Briggs

[edit] External links

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