People Power Revolution

Commemorative statue of the Revolution at Camp Aguinaldo

The People Power Revolution (also known as the EDSA Revolution and the Philippine Revolution of 1986) was a series of popular nonviolent and prayerful mass street demonstrations in the Philippines that occurred in 1986,which marked the restoration of the country's democracy.^[1] It was the inspiration for subsequent non-violent demonstrations around the world including those that ended the communist dictatorships of Eastern Europe.^[2] It is sometimes referred to as the Yellow Revolution due to the presence of yellow ribbons during the arrival of Ninoy Aquino.^[3][4] These protests were the culmination of a long resistance by the people against the 20-year running authoritarian,repressive^[5] regime of then president Ferdinand Marcos and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the world".^[6] The majority of the demonstrations took place at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, known more commonly by its acronym EDSA, in Quezon City, Metropolitan Manila and involved over 2,000,000 Filipino civilians as well as several political, military, and religious figures, such as Cardinal Jaime Sin. The protests, fueled by a resistance and opposition of years of corrupt governance by Marcos, occurred from February 22 to 25 in 1986, when Marcos fled Malacañang Palace to the United States and conceded^[7] to Corazon Aquino as President of the Philippines.But the one that follows,EDSA II of 2001,can be said as a conspiracy among the political and business elites,military top brass and the hierarchy of the catholic church,which removed a democratically-elected Joseph Estrada.^[8]

[edit] Background and history

President Ferdinand Marcos

Ferdinand Marcos was elected president in 1965, defeating incumbent Diosdado Macapagal by a very slim margin. During this time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects and the intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built more roads than all his predecessors combined, and more schools than any previous administration"^[9]. Amidst charges of vote buying and a fraudulent election, Marcos was reelected in 1969, this time defeating Sergio Osmeña Jr.

Marcos's second term for the presidency, however, was marred by allegations of widespread graft and corruption. The increasing disparity of wealth between the very wealthy and the very poor which made up the majority of the country's population led to the rise of crime and civil unrest around the country. These factors, including the formation of the New People's Army, an armed revolt that called for the redistribution of wealth and land reform in the Philippines, and a bloody Muslim separatist movement in the southern island of Mindanao led by the Moro National Liberation Front, contributed to the rapid rise of civil discontent and unrest in the Philippines.

Marcos was barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, so on September 23, 1972, by virtue of a presidential proclamation (No. 1081), he declared martial law, citing rising civil disobedience as justification. Through this decree, Marcos seized emergency powers giving him full control of the Philippine military and the authority to suppress the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and many other civil liberties. Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut down media establishments critical of the Marcos government. Marcos also ordered the immediate arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate President Jovito Salonga, Senator Jose Diokno, and Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., the staunchest of his critics and the man who was groomed by the opposition to beat Marcos in the 1973 elections. Marcos would also abolish the Philippines' 1935 constitution and replace it with a parliamentary-style government (the Batasang Pambansa) along with a new constitution written by him. With practically all of his political opponents arrested and in exile, Marcos' pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972, and the ratification of his new constitution through political coercion, enabled him to effectively legitimize his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as president. At a period when the Cold War was still a political reality, Marcos's dictatorship ensured the political support of the United States by Marcos' promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.

Throughout his presidency, Ferdinand Marcos had set up a regime in the Philippines that would give him ultimate power over the military and the national treasury, as well as set up a personality cult. Following his declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972,^[10] Marcos immediately began to embezzle money from the government and order the military to kill any political competition against him. As a result, the Philippine economy began to tumble greatly, and the nation lost its competitive edge in Southeast Asia. He also ordered many stores, hotels, schools, universities, and other public places to place his Presidential picture prominently or otherwise their facilities were shut down. The media frequently "eulogized" Marcos through public service announcements and news reports. Even billboard advertisements across the country were replaced with his propaganda messages on justifying his regime's actions. Marcos also ordered the shutdown and takeovers of businesses in the country, then put these businesses either under the government control, or under the control of Marcos cronies.

Several groups of people, however, even within the government, conspired throughout the term of the Marcos regime to overthrow him. They were led by the popular public figure, incarcerated opposition senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr, who Marcos accused as leaning to a left-wing solution. While gaining popularity amongst the Filipino people for his stance against Marcos, Aquino was eventually forced to seek exile in the United States for health and safety reasons. However, in 1983, Ninoy Aquino announced of his plans to return to the Philippines as a challenge to Marcos's government.

Within the military and the police, disillusioned junior officers silently conveyed their grievances. This led to the formation of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), Soldier of the Filipino People (SFP), and Young Officers Union (YOU). RAM which was lead by graduates of the Philippine Military Academy Class of '71, Lt. Col. Gringo Honasan, Lt. Col. Victor Batac, and Lt. Col. Eduardo Kapunan, found an ally and mentor in the Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile.

[edit] Assassination of Ninoy Aquino

The Manila Bulletin headline of Aquino's assassination on August 21, 1983

Despite warnings from the military and other pro-Marcos groups, and even by Ferdinand Marcos' wife Imelda, not to return to the Philippines, Ninoy Aquino was determined to return to the Philippines. Asked what he thought of the death threats, Ninoy Aquino responded "The Filipino is worth dying for."

On August 21, 1983, after a three-year exile in the United States, as he disembarked from a commercial flight at the then-Manila International Airport (now named after him), Aquino was assassinated.^[11] His assassination shocked and outraged many Filipinos, most of whom by then had lost confidence in the Marcos administration. The event led to more suspicions on the government, triggered non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually caused more civil disobedience.^[12] It also shook the Marcos government, which was by then deteriorating, in part due to Marcos' worsening health condition due to an eventual fatal illness (lupus erythematosus).

The assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983 caused the economic problems of the country to deteriorate even further, and the government plunged further into debt. By the end of 1983, the country was bankrupt, and the economy contracted by 6.8%.^[13]

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, led by Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, to launch an inquiry and investigation into Aquino's assassination. Despite the commission's conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila at the time, declined an offer to join the commission, rejecting the government's views on the assassination. In October of that year, Marcos appointed a second commission to investigate. The commission's final report accused the military of staging a conspiracy to assassinate Aquino, dealing another major blow to the already collapsing government..

[edit] Calls for election

On November 23, 1985, after pressures from Washington,^[14] Marcos suddenly announced that a presidential snap election would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country.^[1] The snap election was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called the Regular Batasang Pambansa. The growing opposition movement encouraged Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, to run for the presidency with Salvador Laurel as running mate for vice-president. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The Aquino-Laurel tandem ran under the United Opposition (UNIDO) party, while the Marcos-Tolentino ticket ran under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party.

[edit] Snap election

The elections were held on February 7, 1986.^[1] The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos' 7,053,068 points.^[15] This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results, culminating in the walkout of 29 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered as one of the early "sparks" of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL^[16].

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate also passed a resolution stating the same condemnation.^[1] US president Ronald Reagan issued a statement calling the fraud reports as "disturbing".^[17] In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.^[18]

On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner amidst the controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The Filipino people refused to accept the results, however, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both "winners" took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Aquino also called for coordinated strikes and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard, and their shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.

[edit] Events of the revolution

Appalled by the bold and apparent election irregularities, the Reform the Armed Forces Movement set into motion a coup attempt against Marcos. The initial plan was for a team to assault Malacañang Palace and arrest Ferdinand Marcos. Other military units will be taking over key strategic facilities, such as the airport, military bases, TV and radio stations, the GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo, and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal troops.

Lt.Col Gregorio Honasan was to lead the team that was going to assault Malacañang Palace.

However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest,^[19] and presented to the international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj. Edgardo Doromal.^[20][21]

Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Enrile and his fellow coup plotters decided to ask for help from then AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos, who was also the chief of the Philippine Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his position and support the plotters. Enrile also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of Manila Jaime Sin for his support.

At about 6:30pm, February 22, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at Camp Aguinaldo, where they announced that they had resigned from their positions in Marcos's cabinet and were withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself later conducted his own news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity."^[22]

At about 9 p.m., in a message aired over Radio Veritas, Cardinal Sin exhorted Filipinos to come to the aid of the rebel leaders by going to EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Nevertheless, many people, especially priests and nuns, trooped to EDSA.^[22]

Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Former University of the Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain account in the event said that: "Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going on."^[23]

[edit] Rising mass support

During the height of the revolution, an estimated one to three million people filled EDSA from Ortigas Avenue all the way to Cubao. The photo above shows the area at the intersection of EDSA and Boni Serrano Avenue, just between Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo.

At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the provinces. The station switched to a standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast.^[23] The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies.^[22]

Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was actually very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland),^[24] which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the LABAN (fight) sign,^[25] which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger.

Shortly after lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.^[22]

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people.^[26] Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops.^[27] Tadiar asked the crowds to make a clearing for them, but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no shots fired.^[22]

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed. Shortly after midnight, the staff were able to go to another station to begin broadcasting from a secret location under the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Bandit Radio). June Keithley, with Angelo Castro, was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the remaining days.^[22]

[edit] More defections

At dawn on Monday, February 24, the first serious encounter with government troops occurred. Marines marching from Libis, in the east, lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. Some 3,000 Marines then entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo.^[22]

Later, helicopters manned by the 15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air Force, led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite (South of Manila) to head to Camp Crame.^[28] Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it, with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members. A Bell 214 helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing joined the rebel squadron earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.^[22] In the afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, RAM officers and a throng were waiting.^[28]

[edit] The capture of Channel 4

At around that time, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcasted this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. The jubilation was however short-lived as Marcos later appeared on television on the government-controlled Channel 4,^[29] (using the forclosed ABS-CBN facilities, transmitter and compound) declaring that he would not step down. It was thereafter speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more defections.^[22]

During this broadcast, Channel 4 suddenly went off the air. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. Channel 4 was put back on line shortly after noon, with a voice declaring, "This is Channel 4. Serving the people again." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had swollen to over a million. (Some estimates placed them at two million.)^[22] This broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was the time when former employees of ABS-CBN were inside the complex after 14 years of closure since Marcos took it over during the Martial law of 1972. The people who were manning this broadcast were the likes of June Keithley, Fr. Aris Sison, Fr. Efren Datu, Fr. Bong Bongayan, Jose Mari Velez, Orly Punzalan and were directed by Johnny Manahan with former ABS employees. Also this was the first time when the late Eugenio "Geny" Lopez Jr.'s cousin Augusto "Jake" Lopez stepped into ABS-CBN after it had been closed.

In the late afternoon, rebel helicopters attacked Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential air assets. Another helicopter went to Malacañang, fired a rocket and caused minor damage. Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected. The majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.^[22]

[edit] AFP holds fire

	"Marcos' finest hour" President Ferdinand Marcos and General Fabian Ver during a press conference in Malacañang Palace.
Problems listening to this file? See media help.

The actual dialogue on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver went as follows:

Fabian Ver: We have to immobilize the helicopters they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.
Ferdinand Marcos: My order is not to attack.
Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday....
Marcos (interrupting): My order is to disperse [them] without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...
Marcos:' No, no, no! Hold on. You disperse the crowds without shooting them. You may use any other weapon...

[edit] Two inaugurations

On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the government-owned Channel 9 tower, near Channel 4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station.^[22]

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino^[30] in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as President by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as Vice-President by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians.^[22] Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a popular folk song and the unofficial National Anthem of protest) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's campaign for presidency.

An hour later, Marcos conducted the inauguration at Malacañang. Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took his oath as the President of the Philippines, broadcast by IBC-13 and GMA-7.^[22] None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony for security reasons (although Moscow sent a congratulatory message). The couple finally stepped out in the balcony of the palace in front of the 3000 KBL loyalists who were shouting to Marcos: "Capture the snakes!"^[31] First Lady Imelda Marcos sang one more rendition of "Dahil Sa Iyo" (Because of You), the couple's theme song, rather tearfully,^[31] chanting her trademark Tagalog entreaties:

Because of you I attained happiness
I offer you my love
If it is true that you shall enslave me
All of this is because of you.^[31]

After the inauguration, the Marcos family and their close associates hurriedly rushed to leave the Palace. The broadcast of the event was also cut off as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations.^[22]

By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.^[22]

[edit] Marcos' departure

At 3:00 p.m., Monday, (EST) Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt,^[31] asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly",^[31] to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family including his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four US Navy helicopters^[5] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.^[6][22]

When the news of Marcos' departure reached the people, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators were finally able to enter Malacañang Palace, long denied to Filipinos in the past decade. Looting by overly angry protesters occurred, but mostly people wandered inside, looking at the place where all the decisions that changed the course of Philippine history had been made.

Many people around the world rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. Bob Simon, an anchorman at CBS said, "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they are teaching the world."^[22]

[edit] Aftermath

Please help improve this article by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page. (January 2008)

In a speech before the United States Congress, given 7 months after her inauguration, President Aquino observed that "ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever!"

Despite the People Power Revolution, however, the democratic political system of the Philippines is still fragile and flawed. Patronage politics still hinders the development of democracy and natural resources are now mostly exploited by Western nations. The 1987 Constitution's third article titled the "bill of rights" is guaranteed by the state, but in most instances is largely ignored by the government. The revolution also provided the restoration of democratic institutions after thirteen years of authoritarian rule. These institutions have been used by political and social actors to challenge the entrenched political clans and develop Philippine democracy, however.^[32]

[edit] Criticism

There are political writers, especially those living outside of Metro Manila, who associate the People Power Revolution with what they term as "Imperial Manila" because it was believed that Marcos was toppled from his position without the participation of Filipinos living in areas outside of the capital region. In an article published in Philippine Daily Inquirer, Amando Doronila wrote that:

People power movements have been an Imperial Manila phenomenon. Their playing field is EDSA. They have excluded the provincianos from their movement with their insufferable arrogance and snobbery ... ignoring the existence of the toiling masses and peasants in agrarian Philippines.^[33]

[edit] Timeline

[edit] 1983

• August 21 - Ninoy Aquino is assassinated
• September 21 - government celebrates Barangay Day/National Thanksgiving Day to commemorate the declaration of martial law, thousands of Ninoy supporters hold a "National Day of Sorrow" and call for unity in the ranks to topple the Marcos regime.^[34]

[edit] 1984

• May 14 - Elections for the Batasang Pambansa are held. The United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) and the Pilipino Democratic Party-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-LABAN) coalition decide to take part. Cory Aquino, Ninoy's widow, throws her support behind the opposition candidates. They surprise Marcos by winning 56 seats out of the 183 amid familiar allegations of fraud.^[34]
• October 24 - The Agrava Board, tasked with investigating the Aquino assassination, concludes that there was a military conspiracy behind the killing and implicates AFP Chief of Staff Fabian Ver.^[34]

[edit] 1985

• February 22 - General Ver, 24 soldiers, and one civilian stand trial before the Sandiganbayan for the Aquino murder. Ver takes a leave of absence as Armed Forces Chief of Staff.^[34]
• August - Opposition MPs file a motion for impeachment against Marcos in the Batasan, citing culpable violation of the Constitution and "hidden wealth." The majority party squelches the motion.^[34]
• November 3 - Marcos suddenly announces the holding of snap elections after alleged prodding from the United States.
• December 2 - General Ver and all this co-accused are acquitted by the Sandiganbayan. Marcos reinstates him as Chief of Staff amid widespread protest.^[34]
• December 3 - Corazon Aquino declares her candidacy for President. Salvador Laurel, who earlier has wanted to run for the same position, agrees to be her running mate.^[34]
• December 5 - The Opposition makes a formal announcement of the Aquino-Laurel tandem for the snap elections.^[34]

[edit] 1986

[edit] February 7

• A heavy voter turnout and the judging of the voters' list create confusion during the presidential elections, resulting in the disenfranchisement of three million voters. Incidents of fraud, vote-buying, intimidation, and violence are reported. Election returns are tampered with. The Commission on Elections (COMELEC) tally board shows Marcos leading while the National Citizen's Movement for the Free Elections (NAMFREL) consistently shows Cory Aquino ahead by a comfortable margin.^[34]

[edit] February 9

• Thirty computer workers at the COMELEC tabulation center walk out, protesting the tampering of election results.^[34]

[edit] February 11

• Oppositionist ex-Governor Evelio Javier of Antique is murdered in front of the provincial capitol where canvassing is being held. Primary suspects are the bodyguards of the local KBL leader.

[edit] February 13

• The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) issues a statement condemning the elections as fraudulent.

[edit] February 22

• 2:00 AM
  • Final meeting of the RAM at Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile's house in Dasmariñas Village before the assault on Malacañang Palace
  • AFP Chief of Staff Fabian Ver calls in additional units to defend Malacañang.
• 3:00 AM
  • The final meeting at the Defense Minister's home is concluded. Lt. Col. Honasan and Kapunan begin their recoinnaisance of Malacañang. To their dismay, they discover battle-hardened Marines stationed at their main point of attack.
  • Trade & Industry Minister Robert Ongpin's security details are arrested by the 1st Scout Ranger Regiment and brought to Fort Bonifacio
• 6:30 AM
  • Maj. Avelino Razon briefs AFP Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel V. Ramos on the developments of RAM's plans.
  • Robert Ongpin phones Marcos and asks why his security detail have been arrested. Marcos assured the Trade Minister that he will look into the matter, and promised to send a detail of the Presidential Security Group as replacement.
• 9:00 AM
  • Fabian Ver sends Col. Rolando Abadilla to Col. Honasan to inform the latter that their plans have been made known already and that RAM should not make any rash decisions.
• 10:00 AM
  • Lt. Col. Honasan phones Kapunan and informs him that they are not going to abort the mission, but to simply "freeze" the operation for the next 24 hours.
  • Honasan reviews the situation and assesses the prepositioning of the troops from his office in GHQAFP Camp Aguinaldo
  • Robert Ongpin calls Enrile, who was then having breakfast with Deputy Prime Minister Jose Rono, to inform him that the security detail assigned to him from the Ministry of Defense have been arrested by troops loyal to Fabian Ver.
  • Cory Aquino leaves for Cebu to continue the Civil Disobedience Campaign.
• 12:00 NN
  • Navy Capt. Rex Robles was assigned to act as a liaison with the diplomatic community in case the RAM officers will be arrested, and tell the world of their story.
  • An urgent message from the RAM officers was sent to the U.S. Embassy in Manila to seek assistance. No reply.
  • Lt. Col. Honasan and Kapunan leave the GHQAFP for Enrile's residence in Dasmariñas Village.
  • U.S. Amb. Stephen Bosworth along with Philip Habib, Pres. Ronald Reagan's personal envoy to Marcos, visit the Palace for a meeting with the President. They discuss the recent elections and the political situation. The U.S. envoys call Marcos to retire Ver.
  • Lt. Col. Honasan and Kapunan interrupt Minister Enrile's lunch with his wife, Christina, and update him on the negative developments, and assess the situation. The officers suggest the Minister head to Cagayan to fight it out another day. Enrile rebuffs the two and says that "Why Cagayan? If I die, I might as well die here." Enrile calls for the RAM officers to regroup in Camp Aguinaldo.
  • Lt. Gen. Ramos has lunch with publisher Max Soliven, and confides to him why he has not resigned despite the "humiliations" caused by Marcos. Ramos explains that the few good officers who are members of RAM still need someone on top to lean on.
• 12:45 PM
  • Still in a meeting with Amb. Bosworth and Philip Habib, Marcos states that his government shall consider "maximum tolerance" on the public protests, but shall strike back the moment the opposition will make a move against his people.
  • While Marcos was having his meeting with the U.S. envoys, Capt. Ricardo Morales, one of Imelda Marcos' close-in security and who is a mole of RAM in the PSG, reconnoiters the defenses of the Palace grounds, and took the initiative to withdraw some firearms from the PSG armory. He is arrested and is brought to the office of the Aide-de-camp for interrogation.
• 1:45 PM
  • As the meeting came to a close, barely has Amb. Bosworth teft the room, Gen. Ver storms into the Presidential study to convey the recent arrest of four officers in the PSG who are found to be members of RAM.
  • Philip Habib confides as he leaves Malacañang, that "Cory won the election and deserves our support. Marcos is finished, and we ought to offer him asylum in the United States."
• 2:00 PM
  • With their plans discovered, Enrile and the RAM officers, had to change their direction. They decided that they need to draw the public support if they are going to storm this crisis out.
• 2:15 PM
  • Cory in the rally in Cebu calls for the boycott of Marcos crony-owned business, such as Fortune Tobacco, Asia Brewery, Allied Bank, Rustan's Cebu, Cebu Plaza Hotel, Cebu Casino, Cebu Jai Alai, and the government-run station DYFM.
• 2:30 PM
  • Enrile changes into jeans and brings out his Uzi and calls Lt. Gen. Ramos to confide him on their current situation and how their plot has been uncovered by Fabian Ver. Enrile asks Ramos "Will you support us?" Fidel Ramos: I said at once, "Yes, sir, I'm with you, all the way... I will join you in Camp Aguinaldo."
  • Enrile bids his wife goodbye, telling her that he might be arrested. He asks her to call the foreign press and Cardinal Sin.
• 2:45 PM
  • Christina Enrile phones the Philippine Daily Inquirer and asks for the help of Eggie Apostol to get in touch with Jaime Cardinal Sin to inform him of the situation and to seek the support to mass the crowds around Camp Aguinaldo.
• 3:00 PM
  • Enrile, Honasan, and Kapunan, head for GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo in the Minister's helicopter.
  • Lt. Col. Honasan gets on the radio and calls the code "Joggers! Joggers!" to his radio operator in Camp Aguinaldo to activate their call for a regrouping.
• 3:30 PM
  • Minister Enrile and his entourage arrive in Camp Aguinaldo and break-out brand new M16, Uzi and Galil.
  • Honasan is tasked to secure Camp Aguinaldo and Camp Crame across EDSA. The headcount is only 200 armed men.
• 3:45 PM
  • Enrile calls Amb. Bosworth and Amb. Kiyoshi Somiya of Japan, to inform them that he and his men are going to hold it out in GHQAFP.
  • Enrile calls UN population czar and good friend Rafael Salas to bid him goodbye as the end might be near.
  • Enrile gets through to Cardinal Sin and seeks his moral and active support, as the former felt that he will not survive the day.
• 4:00 PM
  • Enrile and RAM are looking for Lt. Gen. Ramos. A "laundry-bag" solution is presented, that should Ramos not play a cooperative role, they will get him and hide him until Malacañang has been taken by force by RAM.
• 4:30 PM
  • Enrile instructs Honasan to fetch Brig. Gen. Pedro Balbanero, the Military Police Brigade commander. Balbanero had under his custody the 19 persons led by Lt. Michael Aspirin.
  • The first military region to go to the rebel side was Regional Unified Command No. 8, which included troops in Mrs. Marcos's own province, Leyte, led by commander, Brig. Gen. Salvador Mison who was in Camp Aguinaldo.
• 5:00 PM
  • Gen. Fabian Ver, unaware of the recent developments in Camp Aguinaldo, is with the First Lady in Villamor Air Base chapel as wedding sponsors for the son of Major Gen. Vicente Piccio, Philip. Ver's men out of fear did not dare break the long ceremony to relay the news on Enrile and RAM's actions.
  • Col. Jose Almonte receives a call from Lt. Col. Victor Batac informing him that their original plan has been compromised. Plan B was to take place, and this was to rally the group to the various military camps and bases in the Archipelago.
  • Brig. Gen. Balbanero confronts Col. Rolando Abadilla, Metrocom Intelligence Chief, in Camp Aguinaldo, and both present to Enrile that they can probably make an arrangement for a dialogue between the group and Malacañang.
  • Gen. Ver's men finally get through after the wedding ceremony. The AFP Chief is caught shocked as his last intelligence brief on the situation through their mole in ranks of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement was that a coup d'etat shall only take place the next day at 2:00 AM. Ver and Imelda skip the reception and rush to Malacañang.
• 5:30 PM
  • Pres. Marcos first response to the mutiny was to call his family to Malacañang.
  • Ramos bids his wife Ming goodbye at their house in Ayala Alabang Village and informs her that he will head to Camp Aguinaldo to make his formal defection to the RAM camp.
• 5:45 PM
  • Ver meets with Balbanero and Abadilla and informs them that the President wants to talk with Enrile. Balbanero tries to reach Enrile through the phones to no avail. Balbanero and Abadilla head to Camp Aguinaldo.
• 6:00 PM
  • Lt. Gen. Fidel Ramos arrives in Camp Aguinaldo. He does not answer any questions thrown by the media, but heads straight to the office of Enrile.
• 6:30 PM
  • Head count in Camp Aguinaldo is 320 officers and men. Addition came from Col. Gador's "Cagayan 100."
  • The media was waiting for a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo for an official word from Enrile and Ramos when Gen. Balbanero and Col. Abadilla conveyed the message to Enrile that the President wants to talk to them. Enrile brush aside the idea.
  • Malacañang receives an "report" that Ramos and Enrile were "officially withdrawing their support" of the Marcos administration.
• 6:45 PM
  • Enrile finally agrees to talk with Gen. Ver. Both make a gentleman's agreement that no one was to make a move that night.
  • Gen. Balbanero wires to all regional commanders of the AFP of the truce between Camp Aguinaldo and Malacañang.
  • Enrile and Ramos, surrounded by the their staff and guards hold a press conference at the Social Hall of the GHQAFP, and make the official announcement of their withdrawal of support of the Marcos administration.
  • Enrile states in his opening that "We are going to die here fighting."^[35]
  • Ramos states "There has become an elite Armed Forces of the Philippines that no longer represents the rank and officers' corps of the Armed Forces. ...The President of 1986 is not the President to whom we dedicated our service. it is clear that he no longer is the able and capable commander-in-chief that we count upon. ... He has put his personal family interest above the interest of the people. We do not consider President Marcos as now being a duly constituted authority."^[36]
  • Enrile adds "I cannot in my conscience recognize the President as the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces and I am appealing to the other members of the Cabinet to heed the will of the people expressed during the last elections. Because in my own region, I know that we cheated in the elections to the extent of 350,000 votes. ... No, I will not serve under Mrs. Aquino even if she is installed as a president. ... Our loyalty is to the Constitution and the country. ... You are welcome to join us. We have no food..."^[37]
  • Ramos closes "I am not even acting Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces. I think that when he made that announcement to you and to the whole world last Sunday, he was just fooling us, and he was fooling the entire world because he flip-flopped so many times already. ... I would like to appeal to the fair and to the dedicated and people-oriented members of the AFP and the INP to join us in this crusade for better government."^[38]
• 7:00 PM
  • Cory receives the news of the withdrawal of support by Enrile and Ramos. She calls Manila to verify the report.
  • President Marcos was in his study. Malacañang Press Corps was advised that the President was resting, but suspicion came as Gen. Ver, his son, Col. Irwin Ver who is the Chief-of-Staff of the Presidential Security Command, and Information Minister Gregorio Cendana came in and out of the room.
• 7:15 PM
  • Gen. Ver calls a command conference in the Tactical Operations Center (TOC) in the Palace. The meeting is attended by Rear Admiral Brillante Ochoco, the Philippine Navy's Flag Officer-in-Command (FOIC); Brig. Gen. Felix Brawner, Jr., Deputy Chief of Staff of Operations and Commanding General of the 1st Scout Ranger Regiment; Brig. Gen. Jose Bello, Deputy for Plans and Materiels Development; Brig. Gen Catalino Villanueva, Deputy for Personnel; Commodore Serapio Martillano, Deputy Chief of Staff; Brig. Gen. Fortunato Corrochea, Deputy for Home Defense; Navy Capt. Eriberto Varona, Secretary of the General Staff; and Col. Irwin Ver.
  • The meeting in TOC deliberated how they were going to attack Camps Aguinaldo and Crame, but there was no tactical map available. Gen. Ver resorts to notifying all regional commanders that he is still the Chief-of-Staff of the AFP.
• 7:30 PM
  • Maj. Gen. Prospero Olivas is blood pressure shoots up and he is brought to Camp Panopio. Ramos calls Olivas in Camp Panopio, who commands the riot police, Malacañang's first line of defense, to confirm with him if he was on their side. Maj. Gen. Olivas concurs that he is with the rebel camp.
• 8:00 PM
  • Malacañang Press Corps was advised that there will be a televised press conference at 10:30 PM at the Reception Hall of the Palace.
  • 50 Law students from San Beda College picket 150 meters from the gates Malacañang.
• 8:15 PM
  • Gen. Ver orders Brig. Gen. Fidel Singson, Chief of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP) to "Destroy Radio Veritas!"
  • Unbeknown to Ver, Singson was already in the process of defecting to the rebel group. Singson sends his men to Radio Veritas, not to destroy, but only to reconnoiter the area.
  • In Ayala Alabang Village, Ming Ramos receives her neighbors who were asking if the rebels need any moral support. Ramos likes the idea and seeks the support of his neighbors to rally around the Camps.
  • Suburban crowds gathered in Alabang Town Center and Benedictine Abbey School to get news. Rumor spread that Cardinal Sin will make an announcement. Others proceed to Camp Aguinaldo to support the troops.
• 8:30 PM
  • Cardinal Jaime Sin goes on air and calls the people to "Please, do not be alarmed, stay home."
• 8:45 PM
  • The rebel group was taken aback by the Cardinal's announcement and calls him to clarify their request. They asked him to send the people to the camps.
• 9:00 PM
  • Cardinal Sin goes on air once more and says "Leave your homes now ...I ask you to support Mr. Enrile and Gen. Ramos, give them food if you like, they are our friends."
  • Agapito "Butz" Aquino, younger brother of Ninoy Aquino receives a rumor that opposition figures will be arrested.
  • Enrile phones Louis Beltran, the Editor-in-Chief of the Philippine Daily Inquirer and asks him to contact opposition leaders to go to the radio stations and air their support of the rebel group.
  • Inquirer co-chairman Betty Go-Belmonte telephoned Member of Parliament Cecilia Munoz Palma. MP Palma immediately made a call to Radio Veritas and was one of the first opposition leaders to express support for the revolution.^[39]
• 9:30 PM
  • Butz Aquino with the August Twenty-One Movement ATOM Executive Committee deliberate on whether to support Enrile and Ramos. The Executive Committee wants to wait on Cory Aquino for instructions. Butz Aquino finally decided to head to Camp Aguinaldo to support the rebels.
  • Cory Aquino meanwhile is also deciding on what actions to take after receiving the call from ATOM. She requests to speak with Enrile first.
  • Col. Antonio Sotelo, Commander of the 15th Strike Wing, received a call at his Villamor Air Base office from Col. Hector Tarrazona, who was also a member of RAM, asking the Commander whether he is with them. Col. Sotelo confirms that he supports RAM, and orders his Squadron Commanders to arm their attack helicopters.

[edit] February 23

[edit] February 24

[edit] February 25

[edit] February 26

[edit] See also

• Color revolution
• Nonviolent revolution
• Epifanio de los Santos Avenue for more information about the road
• People Power I Ribbon for more information on the Military Award associated with this event.
• Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo

[edit] References

[edit] Bibliography

• Mercado, Paul Sagmayao, and Tatad, Francisco S. People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986: An eyewitness history. Manila, Philippines. The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation. 1986.
• Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M. Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution. Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986
• Schock, Kurt. Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
• Johnson, Brian. The Four Days of Courage: The Untold Story of the People Who Brought Marcos Down. Toronto, Canada. McClelland and Stewart, 1987.

v • d • e Corazon Cojuangco–Aquino 11th President of the Philippines Family Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. (husband) · Benigno S. Aquino III (son) · Maria Elena Cruz (daughter) · Aurora Corazon Abellada (daughter) · Victoria Eliza Dee (daughter) · Kristina Bernadette Aquino (daughter) · Jose Cojuangco (father) · Demetria Sumulong (mother) · Eduardo Cojuangco (uncle) · Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. (cousin) · Jose Cojuangco, Jr. (brother) · Mark Cojuangco (nephew) · Mikee Cojuangco-Jaworski (niece) Presidency 1986 Snap elections · EDSA Revolution · 1987 Philippine Constitution · Family Code · Local Government and Administrative Codes · Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program · 1986-87 Coup attempts · 1989 civil unrest · 1990 Luzon earthquake · Tropical Storm Thelma · MV Doña Paz · 1991 Mount Pinatubo eruption Post-presidency 1992 elections · 1998 elections · 2004 elections · 2005 electoral crisis · 2007 elections · Death and memorial service Predecessor: Ferdinand Marcos, 10th President of the Philippines Successor: Fidel V. Ramos, 11th President of the Philippines

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