Kurdistan Workers Party

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'Kurdistan Workers' Party' Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, (PKK)
The current PKK flag used since 1995
Operational	1978-present
Led by	The current leader is Murat Karayilan. Abdullah Öcalan (also known as "Apo") was one of the founders and former leaders.
Objectives	The creation of an independent socialist state of Kurdistan in parts of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria
Active region(s)	Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria
Ideology	Kurdish nationalism
Status	Designated as Foreign Terrorist Organization by the US State Department^[1]^[2] Designated as Proscribed Group by the UK Home Office^{[citation needed]} Designated as terrorist group by EU Common Foreign and Security Policy.^{[citation needed]}

The Kurdistan Workers' Party (Kurdish: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or PKK, also called KADEK, Kongra-Gel, and KGK^[3]) is a militant Kurdish organization founded in the 1970s and led by Abdullah Öcalan until his capture in 1999. The PKK's ideology was founded on revolutionary Marxism-Leninism and Kurdish nationalism. The PKK's goal has been to create an independent, socialist Kurdish state in Kurdistan, an area that comprises parts of southeastern Turkey, northeastern Iraq, northeastern Syria and northwestern Iran; where the Kurdish population is claimed to be in the majority. These states oppose any such change.^{[citation needed]} The PKK has been labelled^[clarify], by Turkish sources, as an ethnic secessionist organization that uses terrorism and the threat of force against both civilian^[4]^[5] and military targets for the purpose of achieving its political goal.

The PKK is listed as a terrorist organization internationally by a number of states and organizations, including the United States ^[2]^[3] and NATO. More than 37,000 people have been killed "since PKK launched its armed independence campaign in 1984".^[6]

1 History
2 Recent history
3 Allegations of international support to the PKK
4 Resources
5 Activities
6 Militant activities
- 6.1 Tactics
- 6.2 University of Ankara study
7 Effects
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 External links

[edit] History

Former flag displaying the communist hammer and sickle

Main article: History of the Kurdistan Workers Party

The PKK's core was originally a group called the Ankara Democratic Patriotic Association of Higher Education or Apocular ("Apoists"), which was made up largely of students, led by Abdullah Öcalan (nicknamed "Apo"). Although originally from Ankara, the group soon moved its focus to south-east Turkey, and its large Kurdish population, where they began organising. With the official release of the "Proclamation of Independence of PKK" on 27 October 1978, the group became known as the Kurdistan Workers Party. With its largely communist ideology, the PKK soon found itself in conflict with right-wing entities.

In 1979, Mehmet Celal Bucak was condemned for "exploiting the peasants," and "collaborating". The PKK attempted to assassinate him, but failed. This was the first violent high-profile public action undertaken by the PKK, and it marked a period of intense urban warfare between radical political elements in Turkey. From 1978 to 1982, the Turkish National Security Council recorded 43,000 incidents it described as terrorism. As part of the conflict, ex-prime minister Nihat Erim was assassinated in 1980 by Dev Sol. The military coup that same year largely ended the conflict, with members of the PKK being subject to capital punishment, going to prison, or fleeing to Syria.

On November 10, 1980, the Turkish Consulate in Strasbourg, France was bombed, causing significant material damage but no injuries. The ASALA and the PKK claimed responsibility. In a telephone call to the Agence France-Presse office, a spokesman said the blast was a joint operation and marked the start of a "fruitful collaboration" between the two nationalist organizations.^[7]

Starting in 1984, the PKK transformed itself into a paramilitary organisation (largely based in and supported by Iran, Iraq and Syria)^{[citation needed]}, as it launched conventional attacks as well as bombings against Turkish governmental installations, military and civilian targets, many of whom were connected to the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), a multi-sector integrated regional development project based on the concept of sustainable development for more than nine million people living in the southeastern Anatolia region. The PKK also moved to a less centralized format, taking up operations in a variety of European and Middle Eastern countries.

Following the collapse of the USSR, the PKK largely abandoned its communist roots, attempting to better accommodate nationalistic views and Islamic beliefs. In the mid 1990s, it also began to shift from conventional bombing to suicide bombing, launching 15 such attacks between 1995 and 1999. The majority (11 of 15) of the suicide bombers were women.

PKK supporters demonstrating in London during the February 15, 2003 anti-war protest march [1].

In the late 1990s, the Turkish army began to gain the upper hand in its ground war with the PKK and post-Cold War shifts in international politics resulted in the group losing much of its support among other states. With downgraded security concerns, the Turkish parliament began a controlled process of dismantling the legal control, using the term "normalization" or "rapprochement" depending on the sides of the issue. A ban on publishing using Kurdish language (1983) was dropped in 1991, with more thorough reforms, such as the lifting of the ban on broadcasting in Kurdish, adopted in the 2000s with the decrease in PKK's activities.^[8]

In 1999, Turkish authorities captured Öcalan while he was being transferred by the Greek security system^[9] from the Greek Embassy in Kenya to a local airport, in an operation conducted jointly by the CIA and Turkey's MIT. He was prosecuted in Turkey and sentenced to death. He took his case against Turkey to the European Court of Human Rights. The ECtHR held that there had been violation of Article 6 (right to fair trial), as there was a military judge in the Turkish court trying Abdullah Öcalan, there was no violation of Article 2 (right to life).^[10] Last execution in Turkey took place in 1984.^[11]

Turkey abolished the death sentence on 3 August 2002 as part of a raft of reforms aimed at preparing the country for European Union membership, and the death sentence of Öcalan was commuted to life imprisonment.

Following a call by the captured Öcalan for a peaceful solution, the PKK found itself blacklisted in many countries. Consequently, the PKK went through a series of changes and implemented a unilateral truce, which ended in 2004. On April 2 of that year, the Council of the European Union added the PKK to its list of terrorist organisations. Later in 2004, the US Treasury moved to freeze assets of branches of the PKK.

According to Turkish officials, Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdish region in northern Iraq, and US forces have not done enough to combat PKK guerrillas and secure the Iraqi-Turkish border, causing tensions between the Iraqi and Turkish governments. ^[12] ^[13]

[edit] Recent history

[edit] 1999–2004

After his capture in 1999, the group's leader Abdullah Öcalan has urged the PKK to work peacefully to attain its objectives, and the PKK declared a ceasefire in that year. It changed its name to KADEK to reflect moves towards peaceful politics and co-operation with a wider range of ideologies, but it is claimed that this change was aimed to protect itself from the legal implications of being listed as a terrorist organization. A PKK/KADEK spokesman stated that its armed wing, The People’s Defense Force, would not disband or surrender its weapons, to maintain its capability of self-defense. PKK/KADEK avowing to not lay down its arms underscores that the organization maintains its capability to carry out terrorist operations.^[14] Abdullah Öcalan, has declared his own militants as "No better than Murderers".^[15]

[edit] 2004–2006

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The refusal of the Turkish government to issue a general amnesty to PKK operatives, the failure of the Kurdish nationalist Democratic People's Party to make an electoral breakthrough until 2007 and profound ideological disputes within the movement led to the ceasefire becoming ragged in 2003, before breaking down completely in 2004.^{[attribution needed]} Since the declaration of cease-fire on August 2000, aside from a few isolated incidents, the armed conflict had come to a complete halt. Since 2004, there has been an increase in PKK attacks on the Turkish military, police, and governmental targets near the Iraqi border in the last months. Ankara is increasing its pressure on the US to obtain the go-ahead for a military strike to the PKK installations in northern Iraq. PKK claims it is only acting in self-defense and for the protection of the Kurds.

During the 2003-2005 period, the total security personnel lost (soldier, police (21), village guard (22)) is 246. The total number of personnel wounded and disabled is 147. The total armed militants captured: 1325 (359 dead, 377 live, 589 amnesty) (116 among 377 through exchange of criminals with Iran, Iraq, Syria, Greece, Azerbaijan and Ukraine). The TBMM report also expects an increase in the number of militants captured through exchange of criminals in the coming years. These numbers are presented as part of the fight on terror activities. Report also mentions growing efforts in mobilizing the criminal intelligence exchange.

[edit] 2006-2007

The PKK had declared ceasefire since September 28, 2006.^[16]^[17] although Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Chief of Staff, General Yaşar Büyükanıt do not recognize such a motion. Erdoğan was quoted as saying; "A ceasefire is done between states. It is not something for a terrorist organization,"^[18]^[19] The Turkish army is calling for action against PKK training camps in northern Iraq.^[20]

A demonstration against the PKK in Kadıköy, Istanbul on October 22, 2007.

On September 29, 2007 "PKK terrorists set up an ambush in the Beytüşşebap district of Şırnak on Saturday. The assault claimed the lives of seven village guards, five construction workers working on a dam project to bring water to their villages and one young child, while wounding two others".

Turkish newspaper Zaman reported: "Separatists and terrorists from the PKK used machine gun fire on a minibus carrying 13 people, killing 12 people including seven village guard militia," local governor Selahattin Aparı said on Sunday. The 13th body, belonging to a child, was located close to the scene of the attack a few hours after the governor's statement."^[21] According to PatDollard.com, Bozan Tekin, a PKK militant, claimed that the attack was in fact carried out by the government forces against a Kurdish wedding party. ^[22]

In early October 2007, PKK fighters carried out another ambush, this time near the border with Iraq, killing 13 Turkish soldiers. The incident sparked renewed threats from the Turkish government to cross over into Iraq to pursue the fighters. ^[23]

On the 17th of October 2007, the Turkish parliament approved a military incursion into Iraq to pursue the PKK fighters. The vote for incursion won with an overwhelming 507 to 19.^[24] Action was delayed on request by the US government on the condition that "swift steps" were taken to deal with the militants.

Just five days later on October 22nd, BBC reported another PKK ambush that left 12 more Turkish soldiers dead with an additional eight more missing.^[25] According to The Independent, the October 22nd attack happened when PKK militants blew up a bridge located just three miles (5 km) from the border with Iraq, when a 12-vehicle Turkish military convoy was crossing it. The attack left 17 Turkish soldiers dead and some were taken prisoners. Turkey reported that 32 militants were also killed in the raid ^[26].

On December 16th, 2007, Turkish Armed Forces started the biggest attack to Kurdish camps at Northern Iraq. Turkish Air Force F16s and F4s using night vision systems destroyed main camp at Kandil with Zap, Avaşin and Hakurk camps.

[edit] Death threats by PKK concerning the Turkish General election in 2007

Further information: Turkish general election, 2007

A death threat was mailed by PKK to CHP, MHP, DYP and AKP to withdraw their Van and Hakkari candidates allowing a DTP dominance.^[27]

“

With the exception of DTP all candidates in Van and Hakkari from CHP, MHP, DYP and AKP must withdraw themselves and offer their support to Kurdish people. Our people must demonstrate their Kurdishness in the elections. If any different approach develops, our approach will also be different. [...] Whoever continues the activities we mentioned here will be punished. Who ever damages our movement or our party [DTP] will not be forgiven in any way. They should know that they are facing death.^[27]

”

[edit] 2008 to date

On 22 February 2008, the Turkish military carried out a major incursion into northern Iraq to attack PKK bases there. An estimated 10,000 Turkish troops were deployed for the incursion along with armoured vehicles and aircraft.^[28] The incursion sparked calls from the Iraqi and US governments for the incursion to end.

On 29 February, the Turkish military announced that the incursion was finished and pulled out of northern Iraq, claiming that they had achieved their objectives. The military claimed 240 PKK rebels killed and for the loss of 27 Turkish soldiers.^[29]

[edit] Allegations of international support to the PKK

According to The New Yorker magazine, US government has been supporting PJAK, the Iranian branch of PKK.^[30] The head of the PKK militant arm, Murat Karayilan, in an interview with the Daily Telegraph claimed that US officers have regular meetings with the PKK in Northern Iraq. Karayilan said Kurdish guerrillas have launched a clandestine war in north-western Iran, ambushing Iranian troops with US and British support. ^[31]

General Yaşar Büyükanıt, who is the Chief of the Turkish General Staff, stated that even though the international struggle had been discussed on every platform and even though organizations such as the UN, NATO, EU make statements of serious commitment, to this day the necessary measures had not been taken.^[32] Büyükanıt further continued as: "On the contrary, this conduct on one side has encouraged the terrorists, on the other side it assisted in widening their [the terrorists] activities. The most distressful part of it is that many of the European countries being a member of NATO, an organization that had announced that terrorism was the greatest threat to itself."^[32] Dr. Sedat Laciner, director of the International Strategic Research Organization, said "The PKK is a terrorist organization. Americans and the EU say so. If the US ignores or supports the PKK in the region, the US’ fight against global terrorism will lose its base. Turkey’s support, as a moderate Muslim country, in fighting terrorism is crucial. However, if you support my terrorists, I can not help you in fighting against your terrorists."

A former militant, who recently had turned himself in to the Turkish Police, claimed that the weapons for PKK in the north of Iraq were provided by US armoured vehicles.^[33]^[34]

Austria arranged a flight to Iraq for Ali Rıza Altun, a suspected key figure in PKK ranks with an Interpol arrest warrant in his name, after harboring him for some time. Turkish foreign minister Abdullah Gül summoned the Austrian ambassador and condemned Austria's action.^[35]

A document by the Turkish General Staff published in July 2007 documented the weapons and their origin captured from the PKK operatives. Same report also indicates that the PKK operatives delete some of the serial numbers from their weapons as they have done before making a serial number search. The weapons PKK uses and their origins are:^[36]

4,500 AK-47 Kalashnikovs: 71.6% originating from the USSR, 14.7% from China, 3.6% from Hungary, and 3.6% from Bulgaria.
5,713 (Kannas, PKC automatic rifle, Dragunov Sniper Rifle, Arbiki, Heckler & Koch G3, M16 rifle, Heckler & Koch PSG1 (G-1), Mauser) of which only 959 had a complete traceable serial number: 45.2% from Russia, 13.2% from United Kingdom, and 9.4% from United States.
1,610 rocket launchers of which only 313 had a traceable serial number: 85% from Russia, 5.4% from Iraq, and 2.5% from China in origin.
2,885 pistols of which only 2,208 had a traceable serial number: 21.9% from Czechoslovakia, 20.2% from Spain, and 19.8% from Italy.
3,490 grenades of which 136 had a traceable serial number: 72% from Russia, 19.8% from United States, and 8% from Germany.
11,568 mines of which only 8,015 had a traceable serial number. 60.8% from Italy, 28.3% from Russia, and 6.2% from Germany.

[edit] Resources

The organization's annual budget has been estimated at $86 million USD.^[37]

The PKK receives a proportion of its funding in the form of private donations, from both organisations and individuals from around the world. Some of these supporters are Kurdish businessmen in south-eastern Turkey, sympathisers in Syria and Iran, and Europe. Parties and concerts are organized by branch groups.^[38] Additionally, it is believed that the PKK earns money through the sale of various publications, as well as receiving revenues from legitimate businesses owned by the organization.^[37] The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) also has been financing its separatist movement by "taxing" narcotic traffickers and engaging in the trade themselves. The PKK is heavily involved in the European drug trade, especially in Germany and France. French law enforcement estimates that the PKK smuggles 80% of the heroin in Paris. ^[39]

At the height of its campaign, the PKK received support from other countries, most notably Syria,^[38] in forms of parliamentary support.^[40] ^[41] Iran, ^[42] the Soviet Union^[43] and according to the Turkish government, Denmark allows Kurdish satellite television stations (such as ROJ-TV), which Turkey claims has links with the PKK, to operate in Denmark and broadcast into Turkey. ^[44] MED TV broadcast for five years in UK, until its licence was revoked by the regulators Independent Television Commission (ITC) in 1999 due to a breach of ITC guidelines and perceived pro-PKK bias. When Med TV lost its licence in the UK, MEDYA TV started transmissions from studios in Belgium via a satellite uplink from France. MEDYA TV's licence was revoked by the French authorities. A few weeks later Roj TV began transmissions from Denmark. It has also been argued that the Netherlands and Belgium have supported the PKK by allowing its training camps to function in their respective territories. On November 22, 1998, Hanover's criminal police reported that three children had been trained by the PKK for guerrilla warfare in camps in the Netherlands and Belgium.^[45] After the death of Theo van Gogh, with increasing attention on domestic security concerns, the Dutch police raided the 'PKK paramilitary camp' in the Dutch town of Liempde and arrested 29 people in November 2004. ^[46]

The PKK has developed links with paramilitary groups among other ethnic groups which has harboured historic grievances against Turkey such as the ethnic Armenian ASALA,^[47] as well as groups which shared its left-wing nationalist ideology such as the Palestine Liberation Organisation, ETA, and to a lesser degree the Provisional Irish Republican Army.^[47] Through the large Kurdish immigration in Germany, it has also formed close contacts with violent left-wing political groups in that country. From early 1979 to 1999 Syria had provided valuable safe havens to PKK in the region of Beqaa Valley. During the 1990s, Iran provided PKK with supplies in the form of weapons and funds. In addition, the retired Greek army general Dimitris Matafias has paid numerous visits and offered assistance.^{[citation needed]}

The Republic of Cyprus was in suspicion of aiding Abdullah Öcalan, the founder of PKK, after he was caught with a Cypriot passport to the name of Mavros Lazaros, a nationalist reporter. The reporter in question has been on record as acting as his own volition. After the undeclared war between Turkey and Syria, Syria placed restrictions on PKK activity on its soil. Turkey is expecting positive developments in its cooperation with Syria in the long term, but even during the course of 2005, there were PKK operatives of Syrian nationality operating in Turkey. Iran listed PKK as a terrorist organization after Iran's supply of resources to the PKK began to be used on its own soil.

On September 30, 1995, Damascus opened new contacts with high ranking German CDU MP Heinrich Lummer and German intelligence officials. The PKK has strong ties with influential persons around the world. Danielle Mitterrand, the wife of the former President of France has active connections with elements of the PKK's leadership.^[48]

[edit] Activities

Activities of the Kurdistan Workers Party by Region^[49]^[14]
Target	Activity Category		Turkey	Northern Iraq	Western Europe
Government	Demonstrations/Protests^[49]
	Riots^[49]
	Kidnapping^[49]
	Assassination^[49]
	Sabotage^[49]
	Chemical warfare^[50]
	Bombing Attacks^[49]	Post/Train/Power
		Police
		Outposts
	Armed Attacks^[49]	Military
		Police
		Village Guards
Civilian	Kidnapping^[49]
	Assassination^[49]
	Bombing Attacks	Villages
		Touristic Facilities^[49]
		Commercial Units^[49]
Organized Crime	Extortion^[51]
	Drug Trafficking^[52]		Transit	Transit	Destination
	Human Trafficking^[52]		Origin	Origin

The PKK operates in Turkey, Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.^[14] One pattern is apparent after 1984, PKK began to use Maoist theory of people's war.^[53]^[54] There are three phases in this theory. The militant base during the initial years was coming from different sources, so the first two phases were diffused to each other.

In the first phase (1978-1984), the PKK tried to gain the support of the population. It attacked the machinery of government and distributed propaganda in the region. PKK tactics were based on ambush, sabotage, riots, protests, and demonstrations against the Turkish government. PKK has also been accused of violent attacks on individual civilians or residential areas (Kurds and non-Kurds alike), who refused to co-operate with the PKK or were suspected of collaborating with the Turkish authorities. During these years, the PKK fought a turf war against other predominantly Kurdish organisations in Turkey. The PKK effectively used the prison force to gain appeal among the population.^[55] In the whole Turkey, this period was characterized by violent clashes which culminated in the 1980 military coup.

In the second phase (1984-1999), which followed the return of civilian rule in 1983, escalating attacks were made on the government's military and vital institutions all over the country. The objective was to destabilise Turkish authority through a long, low-intensity confrontation. In addition to skirmishing with Turkish military and police forces and local village guards, the PKK has conducted suicide bombing on government and police installations, as well as at local tourist sites. Kidnapping and assassination against government officials and Kurdish tribal leaders who were named as puppets of the state were performed as well. Widespread sabotages were continued from the first stage. PKK performed kidnapping western tourists, primarily in Istanbul but also at different resorts. PKK has also attacked Turkish diplomatic and commercial facilities across Western Europe.

In the third phase, or "guerrilla stage", conventional fighting was used to seize cities, overthrow the government and take control of the country. PKK seized cities during the highest activity period, and it also had consequences on the functioning of the Turkish parliament through Turkey's own election system, but there was no case during an active conflict that PKK manage to sustain its flag in a region within the borders of Turkey.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Militant activities

Since its creation in the 1970s, amid violent clashes in the whole of Turkey which culminated in the 1980 military coup, the PKK has developed into a paramilitary organization. The conflict between PKK and the Turkish state rendered much of southeastern Turkey a war zone in the late 1980s and 1990s. Its actions have taken place mainly in Turkey and against Turkish targets in other countries, although it has on occasions co-operated with other Kurdish nationalist paramilitary groups in neighboring states, such as Iraq and Iran.^[56] The PKK argued that its violent actions were justified by the need to defend Kurds in the context of what it considered as the massive cultural suppression of Kurdish identity (including the 1983 Turkish Language Act Ban) and cultural rights carried out by the governments of the region. In its campaign, the PKK has been accused of carrying out atrocities against both Turkish and Kurdish civilians and its actions have been criticised by human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Actions of the Turkish state in the past have also been criticised by these same groups. In effect, the Turkish state has led a series of counter-insurgency operations against the PKK, accompanied by political measures, starting with an explicit denunciation of separatism in the 1982 Constitution, and including proclamation of the state of emergency in various PKK-controlled territories starting in 1983 (when the military relinquished political control to the civilians). This series of administrative reforms against terrorism included in 1985 the creation of village guard system by the then prime minister Turgut Özal who is of partial Kurdish descent. All in all, this low intensity conflict which has lasted more than thirty years has had a number of effects in the Turkish territory. Furthermore, this conflict is an important part concerning the negotiations between Turkey and the European Union (EU) about its eventual integration to the EU.

Eric Rouleau, in the November/December 2000 edition of 'Foreign Affairs', states:

"According to the Turkish Ministry of Justice, in addition to the 35,000 people killed in military campaigns, 17,500 were assassinated between 1984, when the conflict began, and 1998. An additional 1,000 people were reportedly assassinated in the first nine months of 1999. According to the Turkish press, the authors of these crimes, none of whom have been arrested, belong to groups of mercenaries working either directly or indirectly for the security agencies".^[57]^[58]

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, in an effort to win increased support from the Kurdish peasantry, the PKK altered its leftist secular ideology to better accommodate and accept Islamic beliefs. The group also abandoned its previous strategy of attacking Kurdish civilians, focusing instead on government and tourist targets.^[59]

[edit] Tactics

The areas in which the group operates are generally mountainous rural areas and dense urban areas. The mountainous terrain offers an advantage to members of the PKK by allowing them to hide in a network of caves and making military air operations, especially helicopter use, hazardous for the Turkish Armed Forces. While in urban areas, PKK members are often able to blend in with the local population.

The group has been planting mines.^[60] Use of these mines has led to civilian deaths, in part due to accidental triggering by civilian trucks and buses rather than the intended military armoured vehicles.^[60]

[edit] University of Ankara study

The PKK is known to use children within its militant force and a recent study by the University of Ankara’s Health Sciences Institute has examined the motivations of some children captured from the organization. Of those surveyed, 86% had joined the PKK to bolster their families incomes following offers that it would provide for their families in return.^[61] All of the children reported that these offers were not fulfilled.^[61] 80% of those surveyed also reported that they had actively stopped other family members—usually younger brothers—from joining the organization too.^[61] The study also reported that 60% of those surveyed had an education level below high school level.^[61]

When asked why they stayed in the PKK rather than turning themselves in to the authorities, two thirds stated that they were afraid of being caught by the PKK as reprisals are not just limited to physical harm towards the militant; their families would be at risk as well.^[61] Five percent said that it was from fear of punishment by the Turkish Republic.^[61] The study also examined attitudes toward gender equality within the organization. 88% of the subjects reported that, despite its Marxist ideology and claims that equality is a key objective, there was no equality within the organization.^[61]

[edit] Effects

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Main article: Effects of the Kurdistan Workers Party

As a self-styled revolutionary left-wing organization, PKK claimed there was a "mass violence by Turkish state on the Kurd identity" to justify its activities. The main goal of its activities was to alienate the people from the state by pushing security forces into more and more overt and repressive counter-measures. The Political-Justice section extends the results of this ideology and methods of the democratic processes and the justice system in Turkey. In a democratic system, an ideology that questions the state's legitimacy, will of its population and its security apparatus was difficult to be accepted as a political view, which was shaped under HEP/DEP/HADEP story. Turkish government authorities did not negotiate with the organization, so regional NGOs there were no communication channels between the sides. The ill-formed language ban of 1983 and Terrorism Act of 1991 were significant events. Also, amnesties were interesting events during the conflict time, as each amnesty gave more human resources to the organization. The prison as a rehabilitation concept was a failure. The people who were jailed for non-violent activities were becoming militants during their jail time. Government's military operations against the prisons were the highest point in this failure.

As a revolutionary left-wing organization, the PKK perceived Turkish society as one that was deformed by capitalism and imperialism. The PKK unleashed its aggression on enemies spanning all classes (farmers, business, etc.) and those that it considered puppets of the state. The cost of PKK's actions are significant. PKK had drastic effects on regional economy, as targeted infrastructure of the region. Regions' inability to join the economical activities were associated with the work force, costs (insurance premiums, facility costs, loss of trained personnel etc.), and productivity (loss of work time, travel restrictions, inability to move rapidly etc). The region has had a very high historical tourism potential and it has been dormant because of the terrorism threat for many years.

The integration into social and economical activities are developed within the education system. Educational activities were targeted by the PKK. Because the majority of the people are very resilient to the effects of political violence, young people form a high risk group because of their undeveloped personalities. The effects of political violence on the newer generations is an important issue because, at the moment, the new generation in areas affected by the conflict have no experience living under what would be considered normal conditions.

According to a July 1998 article by Le Monde diplomatique, the conflict has weighted heavily on the Turkish state's budget. In 1993, a sum of $70m was allocated from the prime minister’s secret funds. According to Mr Savas, this sum was used mainly for buying weapons and anti-terrorist equipment from Israel and for external operations. Irregular units in the conflictual zones have had to find ways to finance themselves, including racketeering and secret funding. Sedat Bucak has been alleged by the French newspaper to have under his orders 20,000 men, while the village guards pro-government Kurdish militias created in the mid-1980s would number to a total of 64,000.^[62]